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\title{The Autobiography}


\author{Benjamin Franklin\\
{\normalsize Edited by Charles W. Eliot, LL.D.}}

\maketitle
\vspace*{\stretch{1}}

\noindent The preparer of this public-domain text is unknown. The
Project Gutenberg edition ({}``bfaut10'') was converted to \LaTeX{}
using \textbf{GutenMark} software and edited (principally to correct
formatting problems) by Ron Burkey. Report problems to info@sandroid.org.
Note that different printed editions of this book differ very significantly,
not only in spelling an capitalization, but also in content. Revision
B1 differs from B in that {}``----'' is everywhere replaced with
{}``---'', and {}``Poweful'' was replaced by {}``Powerful''
in one place.

\noindent \begin{center}Revision: B1\\
Date: 01/30/2008\end{center}

\vspace{\stretch{1}}

\frontmatter


\pagestyle{myheadings} {\small \tableofcontents{}}\newpage


\mainmatter



\chapter*{\raggedright Introductory Note}

\addcontentsline{toc}{chapter}{Introductory Note}

\markboth{Franklin's Autobiography}{Introductory Note}

Benjamin Franklin was born in Milk Street, Boston, on January 6, 1706.
His father, Josiah Franklin, was a tallow chandler who married twice,
and of his seventeen children Benjamin was the youngest son. His schooling
ended at ten, and at twelve he was bound apprentice to his brother
James, a printer, who published the {}``New England \textit{\emph{Courant}}.''
To this journal he became a contributor, and later was for a time
its nominal editor. But the brothers quarreled, and Benjamin ran away,
going first to New York, and thence to Philadelphia, where he arrived
in October, 1723. He soon obtained work as a printer, but after a
few months he was induced by Governor Keith to go to London, where,
finding Keith's promises empty, he again worked as a compositor till
he was brought back to Philadelphia by a merchant named Denman, who
gave him a position in his business. On Denman's death he returned
to his former trade, and shortly set up a printing house of his own
from which he published {}``The Pennsylvania Gazette,'' to which
he contributed many essays, and which he made a medium for agitating
a variety of local reforms. In 1732 he began to issue his famous {}``Poor
Richard's Almanac'' for the enrichment of which he borrowed or composed
those pithy utterances of worldly wisdom which are the basis of a
large part of his popular reputation. In 1758, the year in which he
ceases writing for the \emph{Almanac}, he printed in it {}``Father
Abraham's Sermon,'' now regarded as the most famous piece of literature
produced in Colonial America.

Meantime Franklin was concerning himself more and more with public
affairs. He set forth a scheme for an Academy, which was taken up
later and finally developed into the University of Pennsylvania; and
he founded an {}``American Philosophical Society'' for the purpose
of enabling scientific men to communicate their discoveries to one
another. He himself had already begun his electrical researches, which,
with other scientific inquiries, he called on in the intervals of
money-making and politics to the end of his life. In 1748 he sold
his business in order to get leisure for study, having now acquired
comparative wealth; and in a few years he had made discoveries that
gave him a reputation with the learned throughout Europe. In politics
he proved very able both as an administrator and as a controversialist;
but his record as an office-holder is stained by the use he made of
his position to advance his relatives. His most notable service in
home politics was his reform of the postal system; but his fame as
a statesman rests chiefly on his services in connection with the relations
of the Colonies with Great Britain, and later with France. In 1757
he was sent to England to protest against the influence of the Penns
in the government of the colony, and for five years he remained there,
striving to enlighten the people and the ministry of England as to
Colonial conditions. On his return to America he played an honorable
part in the Paxton affair, through which he lost his seat in the Assembly;
but in 1764 he was again despatched to England as agent for the colony,
this time to petition the King to resume the government from the hands
of the proprietors. In London he actively opposed the proposed Stamp
Act, but lost the credit for this and much of his popularity through
his securing for a friend the office of stamp agent in America. Even
his effective work in helping to obtain the repeal of the act left
him still a suspect; but he continued his efforts to present the case
for the Colonies as the troubles thickened toward the crisis of the
Revolution. In 1767 he crossed to France, where he was received with
honor; but before his return home in 1775 he lost his position as
postmaster through his share in divulging to Massachusetts the famous
letter of Hutchinson and Oliver. On his arrival in Philadelphia he
was chosen a member of the Continental Congress and in 1777 he was
despatched to France as commissioner for the United States. Here he
remained till 1785, the favorite of French society; and with such
success did he conduct the affairs of his country that when he finally
returned he received a place only second to that of Washington as
the champion of American independence. He died on April 17, 1790.

The first five chapters of the \emph{Autobiography} were composed
in England in 1771, continued in 1784-5, and again in 1788, at which
date he brought it down to 1757. After a most extraordinary series
of adventures, the original form of the manuscript was finally printed
by Mr.\ John Bigelow, and is here reproduced in recognition of its
value as a picture of one of the most notable personalities of Colonial
times, and of its acknowledged rank as one of the great autobiographies
of the world.


\chapter*{Part I}

\addcontentsline{toc}{chapter}{Part I}

\markboth{Franklin's Autobiography}{Part I}

\textit{\noun{\hspace{\stretch{1}}}}\textit{\emph{\noun{Twyford}}}\noun{, }

\textit{\noun{\hspace{\stretch{1}}}}\noun{at the Bishop of St.\ Asaph's,}%
\footnote{The country-seat of Bishop Shipley, {}``the good bishop,'' as Dr.\ Franklin
used to style him.\mbox{---}B.%
} \noun{}

\noun{\hspace{\stretch{1}}1771.}

\noindent \textit{\emph{\noun{Dear}}} \emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{Son}}}: 

I have ever had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors.
You may remember the inquiries I made among the remains of my relations
when you were with me in England, and the journey I undertook for
that purpose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable to%
\footnote{After the words {}``agreeable to'' the words {}``some of'' were
interlined and afterward effaced.\mbox{---}B.%
} you to know the circumstances of my life, many of which you are yet
unacquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week's uninterrupted
leisure in my present country retirement, I sit down to write them
for you. To which I have besides some other inducements. Having emerged
from the poverty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a
state of affluence and some degree of reputation in the world, and
having gone so far through life with a considerable share of felicity,
the conducing means I made use of, which with the blessing of God
so well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as they may find
some of them suitable to their own situations, and therefore fit to
be imitated.

That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me sometimes to
say, that were it offered to my choice, I should have no objection
to a repetition of the same life from its beginning, only asking the
advantages authors have in a second edition to correct some faults
of the first. So I might, besides correcting the faults, change some
sinister accidents and events of it for others more favorable. But
though this were denied, I should still accept the offer. Since such
a repetition is not to be expected, the next thing most like living
one's life over again seems to be a recollection of that life, and
to make that recollection as durable as possible by putting it down
in writing.

Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural in old men,
to be talking of themselves and their own past actions; and I shall
indulge it without being tiresome to others, who, through respect
to age, might conceive themselves obliged to give me a hearing, since
this may be read or not as any one pleases. And, lastly (I may as
well confess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody),
perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. Indeed, I scarce
ever heard or saw the introductory words, {}``Without vanity I may
say,'' \&c., but some vain thing immediately followed. Most people
dislike vanity in others, whatever share they have of it themselves;
but I give it fair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded
that it is often productive of good to the possessor, and to others
that are within his sphere of action; and therefore, in many cases,
it would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank God for his
vanity among the other comforts of life.

And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all humility to acknowledge
that I owe the mentioned happiness of my past life to His kind providence,
which lead me to the means I used and gave them success. My belief
of this induces me to hope, though I must not presume, that the same
goodness will still be exercised toward me, in continuing that happiness,
or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, which I may experience as
others have done: the complexion of my future fortune being known
to Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our afflictions.

The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curiosity in
collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me
with several particulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes
I learned that the family had lived in the same village, Ecton, in
Northamptonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer he
knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of Franklin, that before
was the name of an order of people, was assumed by them as a surname
when others took surnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of
about thirty acres, aided by the smith's business, which had continued
in the family till his time, the eldest son being always bred to that
business; a custom which he and my father followed as to their eldest
sons. When I searched the registers at Ecton, I found an account of
their births, marriages and burials from the year 1555 only, there
being no registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By that
register I perceived that I was the youngest son of the youngest son
for five generations back. My grandfather Thomas, who was born in
1598, lived at Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer,
when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire,
with whom my father served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather
died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son
Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his
only child, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, of Wellingborough,
sold it to Mr.\ Isted, now lord of the manor there. My grandfather
had four sons that grew up, \textit{viz}.: Thomas, John, Benjamin
and Josiah. I will give you what account I can of them, at this distance
from my papers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you will
among them find many more particulars.

Thomas was bred a smith under his father; but, being ingenious, and
encouraged in learning (as all my brothers were) by an Esquire Palmer,
then the principal gentleman in that parish, he qualified himself
for the business of scrivener; became a considerable man in the county;
was a chief mover of all public-spirited undertakings for the county
or town of Northampton, and his own village, of which many instances
were related of him; and much taken notice of and patronized by the
then Lord Halifax. He died in 1702, January 6, old style, just four
years to a day before I was born. The account we received of his life
and character from some old people at Ecton, I remember, struck you
as something extraordinary, from its similarity to what you knew of
mine.

{}``Had he died on the same day,'' you said, {}``one might have
supposed a transmigration.''

John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens. Benjamin was bred a silk
dyer, serving an apprenticeship at London. He was an ingenious man.
I remember him well, for when I was a boy he came over to my father
in Boston, and lived in the house with us some years. He lived to
a great age. His grandson, Samuel Franklin, now lives in Boston. He
left behind him two quarto volumes, \textit{\emph{Ms}}\emph{.}, of
his own poetry, consisting of little occasional pieces addressed to
his friends and relations, of which the following, sent to me, is
a specimen.%
\footnote{Here follow in the margin the words, in brackets, {}``here insert
it,'' but the poetry is not given. Mr.\ Sparks informs us (\emph{Life
of Franklin}, p.\ 6) that these volumes had been preserved, and were
in possession of Mrs.\ Emmons, of Boston, great-granddaughter of
their author.%
} He had formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, but, never
practising it, I have now forgot it. I was named after this uncle,
there being a particular affection between him and my father. He was
very pious, a great attender of sermons of the best preachers, which
he took down in his short-hand, and had with him many volumes of them.
He was also much of a politician; too much, perhaps, for his station.
There fell lately into my hands, in London, a collection he had made
of all the principal pamphlets, relating to public affairs, from 1641
to 1717; many of the volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering,
but there still remain eight volumes in folio, and twenty-four in
quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met with them, and knowing
me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them to me. It seems
my uncle must have left them here, when he went to America, which
was about fifty years since. There are many of his notes in the margins.

This obscure family of ours was early in the Reformation, and continued
Protestants through the reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes
in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against popery. They
had got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, it was fastened
open with tapes under and within the cover of a joint-stool. When
my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he turned up the
joint-stool upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the
tapes. One of the children stood at the door to give notice if he
saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual court.
In that case the stool was turned down again upon its feet, when the
Bible remained concealed under it as before. This anecdote I had from
my uncle Benjamin. The family continued all of the Church of England
till about the end of Charles the Second's reign, when some of the
ministers that had been outed for nonconformity holding conventicles
in Northamptonshire, Benjamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued
all their lives: the rest of the family remained with the Episcopal
Church.

Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with three
children into New England, about 1682. The conventicles having been
forbidden by law, and frequently disturbed, induced some considerable
men of his acquaintance to remove to that country, and he was prevailed
with to accompany them thither, where they expected to enjoy their
mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife he had four children
more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen;
of which I remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table, who
all grew up to be men and women, and married; I was the youngest son,
and the youngest child but two, and was born in Boston, New England.
My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger,
one of the first settlers of New England, of whom honorable mention
is made by Cotton Mather in his church history of that country, entitled
\emph{Magnalia Christi Americana}, as {}``a godly, learned Englishman,''
if I remember the words rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry
small occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed, which I
saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the home-spun
verse of that time and people, and addressed to those then concerned
in the government there. It was in favor of liberty of conscience,
and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and other sectaries that had
been under persecution, ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses
that had befallen the country, to that persecution, as so many judgments
of God to punish so heinous an offense, and exhorting a repeal of
those uncharitable laws. The whole appeared to me as written with
a good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom. The six concluding
lines I remember, though I have forgotten the two first of the stanza;
but the purport of them was, that his censures proceeded from good-will,
and, therefore, he would be known to be the author.

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize

"Because to be a libeller (says he) \\

\ \ \ \ I hate it with my heart; \\

From Sherburne town, where now I dwell \\

\ \ \ \ My name I do put here; \\

Without offense your real friend, \\

\ \ \ \ It is Peter Folgier."

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

My elder brothers were all put apprentices to different trades. I
was put to the grammar-school at eight years of age, my father intending
to devote me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the Church.
My early readiness in learning to read (which must have been very
early, as I do not remember when I could not read), and the opinion
of all his friends, that I should certainly make a good scholar, encouraged
him in this purpose of his. My uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it,
and proposed to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose
as a stock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I continued,
however, at the grammar-school not quite one year, though in that
time I had risen gradually from the middle of the class of that year
to be the head of it, and farther was removed into the next class
above it, in order to go with that into the third at the end of the
year. But my father, in the meantime, from a view of the expense of
a college education, which having so large a family he could not well
afford, and the mean living many so educated were afterwards able
to obtain\mbox{---}reasons that he gave to his friends in my hearing\mbox{---}altered
his first intention, took me from the grammar-school, and sent me
to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man,
Mr.\ George Brownell, very successful in his profession generally,
and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under him I acquired fair writing
pretty soon, but I failed in the arithmetic, and made no progress
in it. At ten years old I was taken home to assist my father in his
business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and sope-boiler; a business
he was not bred to, but had assumed on his arrival in New England,
and on finding his dying trade would not maintain his family, being
in little request. Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for
the candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for cast candles,
attending the shop, going of errands, \textit{etc}.

I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but
my father declared against it; however, living near the water, I was
much in and about it, learnt early to swim well, and to manage boats;
and when in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was commonly allowed
to govern, especially in any case of difficulty; and upon other occasions
I was generally a leader among the boys, and sometimes led them into
scrapes, of which I will mention one instance, as it shows an early
projecting public spirit, tho' not then justly conducted.

There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-pond, on the
edge of which, at high water, we used to stand to fish for minnows.
By much trampling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My proposal was
to build a wharff there fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my
comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for a new house
near the marsh, and which would very well suit our purpose. Accordingly,
in the evening, when the workmen were gone, I assembled a number of
my play-fellows, and working with them diligently like so many emmets,
sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought them all away and built
our little wharff. The next morning the workmen were surprised at
missing the stones, which were found in our wharff. Inquiry was made
after the removers; we were discovered and complained of; several
of us were corrected by our fathers; and though I pleaded the usefulness
of the work, mine convinced me that nothing was useful which was not
honest.

I think you may like to know something of his person and character.
He had an excellent constitution of body, was of middle stature, but
well set, and very strong; he was ingenious, could draw prettily,
was skilled a little in music, and had a clear pleasing voice, so
that when he played psalm tunes on his violin and sung withal, as
he sometimes did in an evening after the business of the day was over,
it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a mechanical genius too,
and, on occasion, was very handy in the use of other tradesmen's tools;
but his great excellence lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment
in prudential matters, both in private and publick affairs. In the
latter, indeed, he was never employed, the numerous family he had
to educate and the straitness of his circumstances keeping him close
to his trade; but I remember well his being frequently visited by
leading people, who consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the
town or of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal of respect
for his judgment and advice: he was also much consulted by private
persons about their affairs when any difficulty occurred, and frequently
chosen an arbitrator between contending parties.

At his table he liked to have, as often as he could, some sensible
friend or neighbor to converse with, and always took care to start
some ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend to
improve the minds of his children. By this means he turned our attention
to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life; and little
or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the
table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of
good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing
of the kind, so that I was bro't up in such a perfect inattention
to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was
set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this day if I am
asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what I dined upon.
This has been a convenience to me in travelling, where my companions
have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratification
of their more delicate, because better instructed, tastes and appetites.

My mother had likewise an excellent constitution: she suckled all
her ten children. I never knew either my father or mother to have
any sickness but that of which they dy'd, he at 89, and she at 85
years of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years
since placed a marble over their grave, with this inscription:

\begin{center} \sc

\normalsize Josiah Franklin, \\

\footnotesize and \\

\normalsize Abiah his Wife, \\

\footnotesize lie here interred. \\

They lived lovingly together in wedlock \\

fifty-five years. \\

Without an estate, or any gainful employment, \\

By constant labor and industry, \\

with God's blessing, \\

They maintained a large family \\

comfortably, \\

and brought up thirteen children \\

and seven grandchildren \\

reputably. \\

From this instance, reader, \\

Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling, \\

And distrust not Providence. \\

He was a pious and prudent man; \\

She, a discreet and virtuous woman. \\

Their youngest son, \\

In filial regard to their memory, \\

Places this stone. \\

J.F. born 1655, died 1744, \AE{}tat 89. \\

A.F. born 1667, died 1752, \AE{}tat 85.

\end{center}

By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to be grown old. I us'd
to write more methodically. But one does not dress for private company
as for a publick ball. 'Tis perhaps only negligence.

To return: I continued thus employed in my father's business for two
years, that is, till I was twelve years old; and my brother John,
who was bred to that business, having left my father, married, and
set up for himself at Rhode Island, there was all appearance that
I was destined to supply his place, and become a tallow-chandler.
But my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was under apprehensions
that if he did not find one for me more agreeable, I should break
away and get to sea, as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation.
He therefore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners,
bricklayers, turners, braziers, \textit{etc}., at their work, that
he might observe my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on some trade
or other on land. It has ever since been a pleasure to me to see good
workmen handle their tools; and it has been useful to me, having learnt
so much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself in my house when
a workman could not readily be got, and to construct little machines
for my experiments, while the intention of making the experiment was
fresh and warm in my mind. My father at last fixed upon the cutler's
trade, and my uncle Benjamin's son Samuel, who was bred to that business
in London, being about that time established in Boston, I was sent
to be with him some time on liking. But his expectations of a fee
with me displeasing my father, I was taken home again.

From a child I was fond of reading, and all the little money that
came into my hands was ever laid out in books. Pleased with the \emph{Pilgrim's
Progress}, my first collection was of John Bunyan's works in separate
little volumes. I afterward sold them to enable me to buy R.\ Burton's
Historical Collections; they were small chapmen's books, and cheap,
40 or 50 in all. My father's little library consisted chiefly of books
in polemic divinity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted
that, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper
books had not fallen in my way since it was now resolved I should
not be a clergyman. Plutarch's \emph{Lives} there was in which I read
abundantly, and I still think that time spent to great advantage.
There was also a book of De Foe's, called an \emph{Essay on Projects},
and another of Dr.\ Mather's, called \emph{Essays to do Good}, which
perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an influence on some of
the principal future events of my life.

This bookish inclination at length determined my father to make me
a printer, though he had already one son (James) of that profession.
In 1717 my brother James returned from England with a press and letters
to set up his business in Boston. I liked it much better than that
of my father, but still had a hankering for the sea. To prevent the
apprehended effect of such an inclination, my father was impatient
to have me bound to my brother. I stood out some time, but at last
was persuaded, and signed the indentures when I was yet but twelve
years old. I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one years
of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman's wages during the last
year. In a little time I made great proficiency in the business, and
became a useful hand to my brother. I now had access to better books.
An acquaintance with the apprentices of booksellers enabled me sometimes
to borrow a small one, which I was careful to return soon and clean.
Often I sat up in my room reading the greatest part of the night,
when the book was borrowed in the evening and to be returned early
in the morning, lest it should be missed or wanted.

And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr.\ Matthew Adams, who
had a pretty collection of books, and who frequented our printing-house,
took notice of me, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent
me such books as I chose to read. I now took a fancy to poetry, and
made some little pieces; my brother, thinking it might turn to account,
encouraged me, and put me on composing occasional ballads. One was
called \emph{The Lighthouse Tragedy}, and contained an account of
the drowning of Captain Worthilake, with his two daughters: the other
was a sailor's song, on the taking of Teach (or Blackbeard) the pirate.
They were wretched stuff, in the Grub-street-ballad style; and when
they were printed he sent me about the town to sell them. The first
sold wonderfully, the event being recent, having made a great noise.
This flattered my vanity; but my father discouraged me by ridiculing
my performances, and telling me verse-makers were generally beggars.
So I escaped being a poet, most probably a very bad one; but as prose
writing bad been of great use to me in the course of my life, and
was a principal means of my advancement, I shall tell you how, in
such a situation, I acquired what little ability I have in that way.

There was another bookish lad in the town, John Collins by name, with
whom I was intimately acquainted. We sometimes disputed, and very
fond we were of argument, and very desirous of confuting one another,
which disputatious turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad habit,
making people often extremely disagreeable in company by the contradiction
that is necessary to bring it into practice; and thence, besides souring
and spoiling the conversation, is productive of disgusts and, perhaps
enmities where you may have occasion for friendship. I had caught
it by reading my father's books of dispute about religion. Persons
of good sense, I have since observed, seldom fall into it, except
lawyers, university men, and men of all sorts that have been bred
at Edinborough.

A question was once, somehow or other, started between Collins and
me, of the propriety of educating the female sex in learning, and
their abilities for study. He was of opinion that it was improper,
and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary side,
perhaps a little for dispute's sake. He was naturally more eloquent,
had a ready plenty of words; and sometimes, as I thought, bore me
down more by his fluency than by the strength of his reasons. As we
parted without settling the point, and were not to see one another
again for some time, I sat down to put my arguments in writing, which
I copied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I replied. Three or
four letters of a side had passed, when my father happened to find
my papers and read them. Without entering into the discussion, he
took occasion to talk to me about the manner of my writing; observed
that, though I had the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling
and pointing (which I ow'd to the printing-house), I fell far short
in elegance of expression, in method and in perspicuity, of which
he convinced me by several instances. I saw the justice of his remark,
and thence grew more attentive to the manner in writing, and determined
to endeavor at improvement.

About this time I met with an odd volume of the \emph{Spectator}.
It was the third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought it,
read it over and over, and was much delighted with it. I thought the
writing excellent, and wished, if possible, to imitate it. With this
view I took some of the papers, and, making short hints of the sentiment
in each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then, without looking
at the book, try'd to compleat the papers again, by expressing each
hinted sentiment at length, and as fully as it had been expressed
before, in any suitable words that should come to hand. Then I compared
my \emph{Spectator} with the original, discovered some of my faults,
and corrected them. But I found I wanted a stock of words, or a readiness
in recollecting and using them, which I thought I should have acquired
before that time if I had gone on making verses; since the continual
occasion for words of the same import, but of different length, to
suit the measure, or of different sound for the rhyme, would have
laid me under a constant necessity of searching for variety, and also
have tended to fix that variety in my mind, and make me master of
it. Therefore I took some of the tales and turned them into verse;
and, after a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned
them back again. I also sometimes jumbled my collections of hints
into confusion, and after some weeks endeavored to reduce them into
the best order, before I began to form the full sentences and compleat
the paper. This was to teach me method in the arrangement of thoughts.
By comparing my work afterwards with the original, I discovered many
faults and amended them; but I sometimes had the pleasure of fancying
that, in certain particulars of small import, I had been lucky enough
to improve the method or the language, and this encouraged me to think
I might possibly in time come to be a tolerable English writer, of
which I was extremely ambitious. My time for these exercises and for
reading was at night, after work or before it began in the morning,
or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the printing-house alone,
evading as much as I could the common attendance on public worship
which my father used to exact on me when I was under his care, and
which indeed I still thought a duty, though I could not, as it seemed
to me, afford time to practise it.

When about 16 years of age I happened to meet with a book, written
by one Tryon, recommending a vegetable diet. I determined to go into
it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not keep house, but boarded
himself and his apprentices in another family. My refusing to eat
flesh occasioned an inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my
singularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon's manner of preparing
some of his dishes, such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty
pudding, and a few others, and then proposed to my brother, that if
he would give me, weekly, half the money he paid for my board, I would
board myself. He instantly agreed to it, and I presently found that
I could save half what he paid me. This was an additional fund for
buying books. But I had another advantage in it. My brother and the
rest going from the printing-house to their meals, I remained there
alone, and, despatching presently my light repast, which often was
no more than a bisket or a slice of bread, a handful of raisins or
a tart from the pastry-cook's, and a glass of water, had the rest
of the time till their return for study, in which I made the greater
progress, from that greater clearness of head and quicker apprehension
which usually attend temperance in eating and drinking.

And now it was that, being on some occasion made asham'd of my ignorance
in figures, which I had twice failed in learning when at school, I
took Cocker's book of Arithmetick, and went through the whole by myself
with great ease. I also read Seller's and Shermy's books of Navigation,
and became acquainted with the little geometry they contain; but never
proceeded far in that science. And I read about this time Locke \emph{On
Human Understanding}, and the \emph{Art of Thinking}, by Messrs.\ du
Port Royal.

While I was intent on improving my language, I met with an English
grammar (I think it was Greenwood's), at the end of which there were
two little sketches of the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter
finishing with a specimen of a dispute in the Socratic method; and
soon after I procur'd Xenophon's \emph{Memorable Things of Socrates},
wherein there are many instances of the same method. I was charm'd
with it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt contradiction and positive argumentation,
and put on the humble inquirer and doubter. And being then, from reading
Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter in many points of our
religious doctrine, I found this method safest for myself and very
embarrassing to those against whom I used it; therefore I took a delight
in it, practis'd it continually, and grew very artful and expert in
drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into concessions, the
consequences of which they did not foresee, entangling them in difficulties
out of which they could not extricate themselves, and so obtaining
victories that neither myself nor my cause always deserved. I continu'd
this method some few years, but gradually left it, retaining only
the habit of expressing myself in terms of modest diffidence; never
using, when I advanced any thing that may possibly be disputed, the
words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that give the air of positiveness
to an opinion; but rather say, I conceive or apprehend a thing to
be so and so; it appears to me, or I should think it so or so, for
such and such reasons; or I imagine it to be so; or it is so, if I
am not mistaken. This habit, I believe, has been of great advantage
to me when I have had occasion to inculcate my opinions, and persuade
men into measures that I have been from time to time engag'd in promoting;
and, as the chief ends of conversation are to inform or to be informed,
to please or to persuade, I wish well-meaning, sensible men would
not lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming manner,
that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat
every one of those purposes for which speech was given to us, to wit,
giving or receiving information or pleasure. For, if you would inform,
a positive and dogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments may
provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. If you wish
information and improvement from the knowledge of others, and yet
at the same time express yourself as firmly fix'd in your present
opinions, modest, sensible men, who do not love disputation, will
probably leave you undisturbed in the possession of your error. And
by such a manner, you can seldom hope to recommend yourself in pleasing
your hearers, or to persuade those whose concurrence you desire. Pope
says, judiciously:

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize \ \\

\mbox{``Men should be taught as if you taught them not,}\\*

\mbox{And things unknown propos'd as things forgot;''}\\

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

farther recommending to us

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize \ \\

\mbox{``To speak, tho' sure, with seeming diffidence.''}\\

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

And he might have coupled with this line that which he has coupled
with another, I think, less properly,

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize

``For want of modesty is want of sense.''

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

If you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the lines,

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize

``Immodest words admit of no defense, \\

For want of modesty is want of sense."

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

Now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as to want
it) some apology for his want of modesty? and would not the lines
stand more justly thus?

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize

``Immodest words admit but this defense, \\*

That want of modesty is want of sense.''

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

This, however, I should submit to better judgments.

My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a newspaper. It was
the second that appeared in America, and was called the New England
\textit{Courant}. The only one before it was the Boston \emph{News-Letter}.
I remember his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the undertaking,
as not likely to succeed, one newspaper being, in their judgment,
enough for America. At this time (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty.
He went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having worked
in composing the types and printing off the sheets, I was employed
to carry the papers thro' the streets to the customers.

He had some ingenious men among his friends, who amus'd themselves
by writing little pieces for this paper, which gain'd it credit and
made it more in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing
their conversations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers
were received with, I was excited to try my hand among them; but,
being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would object to
printing anything of mine in his paper if he knew it to be mine, I
contrived to disguise my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I
put it in at night under the door of the printing-house. It was found
in the morning, and communicated to his writing friends when they
call'd in as usual. They read it, commented on it in my hearing, and
I had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their approbation,
and that, in their different guesses at the author, none were named
but men of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. I suppose
now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and that perhaps they were
not really so very good ones as I then esteem'd them.

Encourag'd, however, by this, I wrote and convey'd in the same way
to the press several more papers which were equally approv'd; and
I kept my secret till my small fund of sense for such performances
was pretty well exhausted and then I discovered it, when I began to
be considered a little more by my brother's acquaintance, and in a
manner that did not quite please him, as he thought, probably with
reason, that it tended to make me too vain. And, perhaps, this might
be one occasion of the differences that we began to have about this
time. Though a brother, he considered himself as my master, and me
as his apprentice, and accordingly, expected the same services from
me as he would from another, while I thought he demean'd me too much
in some he requir'd of me, who from a brother expected more indulgence.
Our disputes were often brought before our father, and I fancy I was
either generally in the right, or else a better pleader, because the
judgment was generally in my favor. But my brother was passionate,
and had often beaten me, which I took extreamly amiss; and, thinking
my apprenticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing for some
opportunity of shortening it, which at length offered in a manner
unexpected.%
\footnote{I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means
of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck
to me through my whole life.%
}

One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point, which
I have now forgotten, gave offense to the Assembly. He was taken up,
censur'd, and imprison'd for a month, by the speaker's warrant, I
suppose, because he would not discover his author. I too was taken
up and examin'd before the council; but, tho' I did not give them
any satisfaction, they content'd themselves with admonishing me, and
dismissed me, considering me, perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound
to keep his master's secrets.

During my brother's confinement, which I resented a good deal, notwithstanding
our private differences, I had the management of the paper; and I
made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my brother took
very kindly, while others began to consider me in an unfavorable light,
as a young genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr. My brother's
discharge was accompany'd with an order of the House (a very odd one),
that {}``James Franklin should no longer print the paper called the
New England \textit{Courant}.''

There was a consultation held in our printing-house among his friends,
what he should do in this case. Some proposed to evade the order by
changing the name of the paper; but my brother, seeing inconveniences
in that, it was finally concluded on as a better way, to let it be
printed for the future under the name of \textit{Benjamin} \textit{Franklin};
and to avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall on him as
still printing it by his apprentice, the contrivance was that my old
indenture should be return'd to me, with a full discharge on the back
of it, to be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of
my service, I was to sign new indentures for the remainder of the
term, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was;
however, it was immediately executed, and the paper went on accordingly,
under my name for several months.

At length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and me, I
took upon me to assert my freedom, presuming that he would not venture
to produce the new indentures. It was not fair in me to take this
advantage, and this I therefore reckon one of the first errata of
my life; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under
the impressions of resentment for the blows his passion too often
urged him to bestow upon me, though he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd
man: perhaps I was too saucy and provoking.

When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting
employment in any other printing-house of the town, by going round
and speaking to every master, who accordingly refus'd to give me work.
I then thought of going to New York, as the nearest place where there
was a printer; and I was rather inclin'd to leave Boston when I reflected
that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing
party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my brother's
case, it was likely I might, if I stay'd, soon bring myself into scrapes;
and farther, that my indiscrete disputations about religion began
to make me pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or
atheist. I determin'd on the point, but my father now siding with
my brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted to go openly, means
would be used to prevent me. My friend Collins, therefore, undertook
to manage a little for me. He agreed with the captain of a New York
sloop for my passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaintance
of his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would
compel me to marry her, and therefore I could not appear or come away
publicly. So I sold some of my books to raise a little money, was
taken on board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days
I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a boy of but
17, without the least recommendation to, or knowledge of any person
in the place, and with very little money in my pocket.

My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or I might
now have gratify'd them. But, having a trade, and supposing myself
a pretty good workman, I offer'd my service to the printer in the
place, old Mr.\ William Bradford, who had been the first printer
in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of George
Keith. He could give me no employment, having little to do, and help
enough already; but says he, {}``My son at Philadelphia has lately
lost his principal hand, Aquila Rose, by death; if you go thither,
I believe he may employ you.'' Philadelphia was a hundred miles further;
I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest and things
to follow me round by sea.

In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our rotten sails
to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill and drove us upon Long
Island. In our way, a drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell
overboard; when he was sinking, I reached through the water to his
shock pate, and drew him up, so that we got him in again. His ducking
sobered him a little, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his
pocket a book, which he desir'd I would dry for him. It proved to
be my old favorite author, Bunyan's \emph{Pilgrim's Progress}, in
Dutch, finely printed on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress better
than I had ever seen it wear in its own language. I have since found
that it has been translated into most of the languages of Europe,
and suppose it has been more generally read than any other book, except
perhaps the Bible. Honest John was the first that I know of who mix'd
narration and dialogue; a method of writing very engaging to the reader,
who in the most interesting parts finds himself, as it were, brought
into the company and present at the discourse. De Foe in his \emph{Crusoe},
his \emph{Moll Flanders}, \emph{Religious Courtship}, \emph{Family
Instructor}, and other pieces, has imitated it with success; and Richardson
has done the same, in his \emph{Pamela}, \textit{etc}.

When we drew near the island, we found it was at a place where there
could be no landing, there being a great surff on the stony beach.
So we dropt anchor, and swung round towards the shore. Some people
came down to the water edge and hallow'd to us, as we did to them;
but the wind was so high, and the surff so loud, that we could not
hear so as to understand each other. There were canoes on the shore,
and we made signs, and hallow'd that they should fetch us; but they
either did not understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they
went away, and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait till
the wind should abate; and, in the meantime, the boatman and I concluded
to sleep, if we could; and so crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman,
who was still wet, and the spray beating over the head of our boat,
leak'd thro' to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. In this
manner we lay all night, with very little rest; but, the wind abating
the next day, we made a shift to reach Amboy before night, having
been thirty hours on the water, without victuals, or any drink but
a bottle of filthy rum, and the water we sail'd on being salt.

In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to bed; but,
having read somewhere that cold water drank plentifully was good for
a fever, I follow'd the prescription, sweat plentiful most of the
night, my fever left me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I
proceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles to Burlington,
where I was told I should find boats that would carry me the rest
of the way to Philadelphia.

It rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughly soak'd, and by noon
a good deal tired; so I stopt at a poor inn, where I staid all night,
beginning now to wish that I had never left home. I cut so miserable
a figure, too, that I found, by the questions ask'd me, I was suspected
to be some runaway servant, and in danger of being taken up on that
suspicion. However, I proceeded the next day, and got in the evening
to an inn, within eight or ten miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr.\ Brown.
He entered into conversation with me while I took some refreshment,
and, finding I had read a little, became very sociable and friendly.
Our acquaintance continu'd as long as he liv'd. He had been, I imagine,
an itinerant doctor, for there was no town in England, or country
in Europe, of which he could not give a very particular account. He
had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of an unbeliever, and
wickedly undertook, some years after, to travestie the Bible in doggrel
verse, as Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the
facts in a very ridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if
his work had been published; but it never was.

At his house I lay that night, and the next morning reach'd Burlington,
but had the mortification to find that the regular boats were gone
a little before my coming, and no other expected to go before Tuesday,
this being Saturday; wherefore I returned to an old woman in the town,
of whom I had bought gingerbread to eat on the water, and ask'd her
advice. She invited me to lodge at her house till a passage by water
should offer; and being tired with my foot travelling, I accepted
the invitation. She understanding I was a printer, would have had
me stay at that town and follow my business, being ignorant of the
stock necessary to begin with. She was very hospitable, gave me a
dinner of ox-cheek with great good will, accepting only a pot of ale
in return; and I thought myself fixed till Tuesday should come. However,
walking in the evening by the side of the river, a boat came by, which
I found was going towards Philadelphia, with several people in her.
They took me in, and, as there was no wind, we row'd all the way;
and about midnight, not having yet seen the city, some of the company
were confident we must have passed it, and would row no farther; the
others knew not where we were; so we put toward the shore, got into
a creek, landed near an old fence, with the rails of which we made
a fire, the night being cold, in October, and there we remained till
daylight. Then one of the company knew the place to be Cooper's Creek,
a little above Philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of
the creek, and arriv'd there about eight or nine o'clock on the Sunday
morning, and landed at the Market-street wharf.

I have been the more particular in this description of my journey,
and shall be so of my first entry into that city, that you may in
your mind compare such unlikely beginnings with the figure I have
since made there. I was in my working dress, my best cloaths being
to come round by sea. I was dirty from my journey; my pockets were
stuff'd out with shirts and stockings, and I knew no soul nor where
to look for lodging. I was fatigued with travelling, rowing, and want
of rest, I was very hungry; and my whole stock of cash consisted of
a Dutch dollar, and about a shilling in copper. The latter I gave
the people of the boat for my passage, who at first refus'd it, on
account of my rowing; but I insisted on their taking it. A man being
sometimes more generous when he has but a little money than when he
has plenty, perhaps thro' fear of being thought to have but little.

Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near the market-house
I met a boy with bread. I had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring
where he got it, I went immediately to the baker's he directed me
to, in Second-street, and ask'd for bisket, intending such as we had
in Boston; but they, it seems, were not made in Philadelphia. Then
I asked for a three-penny loaf, and was told they had none such. So
not considering or knowing the difference of money, and the greater
cheapness nor the names of his bread, I made him give me three-penny
worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three great puffy rolls.
I was surpriz'd at the quantity, but took it, and, having no room
in my pockets, walk'd off with a roll under each arm, and eating the
other. Thus I went up Market-street as far as Fourth-street, passing
by the door of Mr.\ Read, my future wife's father; when she, standing
at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most
awkward, ridiculous appearance. Then I turned and went down Chestnut-street
and part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the way, and, corning
round, found myself again at Market-street wharf, near the boat I
came in, to which I went for a draught of the river water; and, being
filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her
child that came down the river in the boat with us, and were waiting
to go farther.

Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which by this time had
many clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking the same way.
I joined them, and thereby was led into the great meeting-house of
the Quakers near the market. I sat down among them, and, after looking
round awhile and hearing nothing said, being very drowsy thro' labor
and want of rest the preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continued
so till the meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me.
This was, therefore, the first house I was in, or slept in, in Philadelphia.

Walking down again toward the river, and, looking in the faces of
people, I met a young Quaker man, whose countenance I lik'd, and,
accosting him, requested he would tell me where a stranger could get
lodging. We were then near the sign of the Three Mariners. {}``Here,''
says he, {}``is one place that entertains strangers, but it is not
a reputable house; if thee wilt walk with me, I'll show thee a better.''
He brought me to the Crooked Billet in Water-street. Here I got a
dinner; and, while I was eating it, several sly questions were asked
me, as it seemed to be suspected from my youth and appearance, that
I might be some runaway.

After dinner, my sleepiness return'd, and being shown to a bed, I
lay down without undressing, and slept till six in the evening, was
call'd to supper, went to bed again very early, and slept soundly
till next morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I could, and went
to Andrew Bradford the printer's. I found in the shop the old man
his father, whom I had seen at New York, and who, travelling on horseback,
had got to Philadelphia before me. He introduc'd me to his son, who
receiv'd me civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not at
present want a hand, being lately suppli'd with one; but there was
another printer in town, lately set up, one Keimer, who, perhaps,
might employ me; if not, I should be welcome to lodge at his house,
and he would give me a little work to do now and then till fuller
business should offer.

The old gentleman said he would go with me to the new printer; and
when we found him, {}``Neighbor,'' says Bradford, {}``I have brought
to see you a young man of your business; perhaps you may want such
a one.'' He ask'd me a few questions, put a composing stick in my
hand to see how I work'd, and then said he would employ me soon, though
he had just then nothing for me to do; and, taking old Bradford, whom
he had never seen before, to be one of the town's people that had
a good will for him, enter'd into a conversation on his present undertaking
and projects; while Bradford, not discovering that he was the other
printer's father, on Keimer's saying he expected soon to get the greatest
part of the business into his own hands, drew him on by artful questions,
and starting little doubts, to explain all his views, what interests
he reli'd on, and in what manner he intended to proceed. I, who stood
by and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a crafty old
sophister, and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with Keimer,
who was greatly surpris'd when I told him who the old man was.

Keimer's printing-house, I found, consisted of an old shatter'd press,
and one small, worn-out font of English which he was then using himself,
composing an Elegy on Aquila Rose, before mentioned, an ingenious
young man, of excellent character, much respected in the town, clerk
of the Assembly, and a pretty poet. Keimer made verses too, but very
indifferently. He could not be said to write them, for his manner
was to compose them in the types directly out of his head. So there
being no copy, but one pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require
all the letter, no one could help him. I endeavor'd to put his press
(which he had not yet us'd, and of which he understood nothing) into
order fit to be work'd with; and, promising to come and print off
his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I return'd to Bradford's,
who gave me a little job to do for the present, and there I lodged
and dieted, A few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off the
Elegy. And now he had got another pair of cases, and a pamphlet to
reprint, on which he set me to work.

These two printers I found poorly qualified for their business. Bradford
had not been bred to it, and was very illiterate; and Keimer, tho'
something of a scholar, was a mere compositor, knowing nothing of
presswork. He had been one of the French prophets, and could act their
enthusiastic agitations. At this time he did not profess any particular
religion, but something of all on occasion; was very ignorant of the
world, and had, as I afterward found, a good deal of the knave in
his composition. He did not like my lodging at Bradford's while I
work'd with him. He had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so
he could not lodge me; but he got me a lodging at Mr.\ Read's, before
mentioned, who was the owner of his house; and, my chest and clothes
being come by this time, I made rather a more respectable appearance
in the eyes of Miss Read than I had done when she first happen'd to
see me eating my roll in the street.

I began now to have some acquaintance among the young people of the
town, that were lovers of reading, with whom I spent my evenings very
pleasantly; and gaining money by my industry and frugality, I lived
very agreeably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not desiring
that any there should know where I resided, except my friend Collins,
who was in my secret, and kept it when I wrote to him. At length,
an incident happened that sent me back again much sooner than I had
intended. I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, master of a sloop
that traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at Newcastle, forty
miles below Philadelphia, heard there of me, and wrote me a letter
mentioning the concern of my friends in Boston at my abrupt departure,
assuring me of their good will to me, and that every thing would be
accommodated to my mind if I would return, to which he exhorted me
very earnestly. I wrote an answer to his letter, thank'd him for his
advice, but stated my reasons for quitting Boston fully and in such
a light as to convince him I was not so wrong as he had apprehended.

Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was then at Newcastle,
and Captain Holmes, happening to be in company with him when my letter
came to hand, spoke to him of me, and show'd him the letter. The governor
read it, and seem'd surpris'd when he was told my age. He said I appear'd
a young man of promising parts, and therefore should be encouraged;
the printers at Philadelphia were wretched ones; and, if I would set
up there, he made no doubt I should succeed; for his part, he would
procure me the public business, and do me every other service in his
power. This my brother-in-law afterwards told me in Boston, but I
knew as yet nothing of it; when, one day, Keimer and I being at work
together near the window, we saw the governor and another gentleman
(which proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle), finely dress'd,
come directly across the street to our house, and heard them at the
door.

Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to him; but the governor
inquir'd for me, came up, and with a condescension of politeness I
had been quite unus'd to, made me many compliments, desired to be
acquainted with me, blam'd me kindly for not having made myself known
to him when I first came to the place, and would have me away with
him to the tavern, where he was going with Colonel French to taste,
as he said, some excellent Madeira. I was not a little surprised,
and Keimer star'd like a pig poison'd. I went, however, with the governor
and Colonel French to a tavern, at the corner of Third-street, and
over the Madeira he propos'd my setting up my business, laid before
me the probabilities of success, and both he and Colonel French assur'd
me I should have their interest and influence in procuring the public
business of both governments. On my doubting whether my father would
assist me in it, Sir William said he would give me a letter to him,
in which he would state the advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing
with him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston in the first
vessel, with the governor's letter recommending me to my father. In
the mean time the intention was to be kept a secret, and I went on
working with Keimer as usual, the governor sending for me now and
then to dine with him, a very great honor I thought it, and conversing
with me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable.

About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer'd for Boston.
I took leave of Keimer as going to see my friends. The governor gave
me an ample letter, saying many flattering things of me to my father,
and strongly recommending the project of my setting up at Philadelphia
as a thing that must make my fortune. We struck on a shoal in going
down the bay, and sprung a leak; we had a blustering time at sea,
and were oblig'd to pump almost continually, at which I took my turn.
We arriv'd safe, however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been
absent seven months, and my friends had heard nothing of me; for my
\textit{\emph{br}}\emph{.}\ Holmes was not yet return'd, and had
not written about me. My unexpected appearance surpriz'd the family;
all were, however, very glad to see me, and made me welcome, except
my brother. I went to see him at his printing-house. I was better
dress'd than ever while in his service, having a genteel new suit
from head to foot, a watch, and my pockets lin'd with near five pounds
sterling in silver. He receiv'd me not very frankly, look'd me all
over, and turn'd to his work again.

The journeymen were inquisitive where I had been, what sort of a country
it was, and how I lik'd it. I prais'd it much, the happy life I led
in it, expressing strongly my intention of returning to it; and, one
of them asking what kind of money we had there, I produc'd a handful
of silver, and spread it before them, which was a kind of raree-show
they had not been us'd to, paper being the money of Boston. Then I
took an opportunity of letting them see my watch; and, lastly (my
brother still grum and sullen), I gave them a piece of eight to drink,
and took my leave. This visit of mine offended him extreamly; for,
when my mother some time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and
of her wishes to see us on good terms together, and that we might
live for the future as brothers, he said I had insulted him in such
a manner before his people that he could never forget or forgive it.
In this, however, he was mistaken.

My father received the governor's letter with some apparent surprise,
but said little of it to me for some days, when Capt.\ Holmes returning
he showed it to him, ask'd him if he knew Keith, and what kind of
man he was; adding his opinion that he must be of small discretion
to think of setting a boy up in business who wanted yet three years
of being at man's estate. Holmes said what he could in favor of the
project, but my father was clear in the impropriety of it, and at
last gave a flat denial to it. Then he wrote a civil letter to Sir
William, thanking him for the patronage he had so kindly offered me,
but declining to assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in his opinion,
too young to be trusted with the management of a business so important,
and for which the preparation must be so expensive.

My friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in the post-office,
pleas'd with the account I gave him of my new country, determined
to go thither also; and, while I waited for my father's determination,
he set out before me by land to Rhode Island, leaving his books, which
were a pretty collection of mathematicks and natural philosophy, to
come with mine and me to New York, where he propos'd to wait for me.

My father, tho' he did not approve Sir William's proposition, was
yet pleas'd that I had been able to obtain so advantageous a character
from a person of such note where I had resided, and that I had been
so industrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely in so
short a time; therefore, seeing no prospect of an accommodation between
my brother and me, he gave his consent to my returning again to Philadelphia,
advis'd me to behave respectfully to the people there, endeavor to
obtain the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libeling, to which
he thought I had too much inclination; telling me, that by steady
industry and a prudent parsimony I might save enough by the time I
was one-and-twenty to set me up; and that, if I came near the matter,
he would help me out with the rest. This was all I could obtain, except
some small gifts as tokens of his and my mother's love, when I embark'd
again for New York, now with their approbation and their blessing.

The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, I visited my brother
John, who had been married and settled there some years. He received
me very affectionately, for he always lov'd me. A friend of his, one
Vernon, having some money due to him in Pensilvania, about thirty-five
pounds currency, desired I would receive it for him, and keep it till
I had his directions what to remit it in. Accordingly, he gave me
an order. This afterwards occasion'd me a good deal of uneasiness.

At Newport we took in a number of passengers for New York, among which
were two young women, companions, and a grave, sensible, matron-like
Quaker woman, with her attendants. I had shown an obliging readiness
to do her some little services, which impress'd her I suppose with
a degree of good will toward me; therefore, when she saw a daily growing
familiarity between me and the two young women, which they appear'd
to encourage, she took me aside, and said: {}``Young man, I am concern'd
for thee, as thou has no friend with thee, and seems not to know much
of the world, or of the snares youth is expos'd to; depend upon it,
those are very bad women; I can see it in all their actions; and if
thee art not upon thy guard, they will draw thee into some danger;
they are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, in a friendly concern
for thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with them.'' As I seem'd
at first not to think so ill of them as she did, she mentioned some
things she had observ'd and heard that had escap'd my notice, but
now convinc'd me she was right. I thank'd her for her kind advice,
and promis'd to follow it. When we arriv'd at New York, they told
me where they liv'd, and invited me to come and see them; but I avoided
it, and it was well I did; for the next day the captain miss'd a silver
spoon and some other things, that had been taken out of his cabbin,
and, knowing that these were a couple of strumpets, he got a warrant
to search their lodgings, found the stolen goods, and had the thieves
punish'd. So, tho' we had escap'd a sunken rock, which we scrap'd
upon in the passage, I thought this escape of rather more importance
to me.

At New York I found my friend Collins, who had arriv'd there some
time before me. We had been intimate from children, and had read the
same books together; but he had the advantage of more time for reading
and studying, and a wonderful genius for mathematical learning, in
which he far outstript me. While I liv'd in Boston most of my hours
of leisure for conversation were spent with him, and he continu'd
a sober as well as an industrious lad; was much respected for his
learning by several of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed
to promise making a good figure in life. But, during my absence, he
had acquir'd a habit of sotting with brandy; and I found by his own
account, and what I heard from others, that he had been drunk every
day since his arrival at New York, and behav'd very oddly. He had
gam'd, too, and lost his money, so that I was oblig'd to discharge
his lodgings, and defray his expenses to and at Philadelphia, which
prov'd extremely inconvenient to me.

The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of Bishop Burnet), hearing
from the captain that a young man, one of his passengers, had a great
many books, desir'd he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him
accordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but that he was
not sober. The gov'r.\ treated me with great civility, show'd me
his library, which was a very large one, and we had a good deal of
conversation about books and authors. This was the second governor
who had done me the honor to take notice of me; which, to a poor boy
like me, was very pleasing.

We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the way Vernon's money,
without which we could hardly have finish'd our journey. Collins wished
to be employ'd in some counting-house, but, whether they discover'd
his dramming by his breath, or by his behaviour, tho' he had some
recommendations, he met with no success in any application, and continu'd
lodging and boarding at the same house with me, and at my expense.
Knowing I had that money of Vernon's, he was continually borrowing
of me, still promising repayment as soon as he should be in business.
At length he had got so much of it that I was distress'd to think
what I should do in case of being call'd on to remit it.

His drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes quarrell'd; for,
when a little intoxicated, he was very fractious. Once, in a boat
on the Delaware with some other young men, he refused to row in his
turn. {}``I will be row'd home,'' says he. {}``We will not row
you,'' says I. {}``You must, or stay all night on the water,''
says he, {}``just as you please.'' The others said, {}``Let us
row; what signifies it?'' But, my mind being soured with his other
conduct, I continu'd to refuse. So he swore he would make me row,
or throw me overboard; and coming along, stepping on the thwarts,
toward me, when he came up and struck at me, I clapped my hand under
his crutch, and, rising, pitched him head-foremost into the river.
I knew he was a good swimmer, and so was under little concern about
him; but before he could get round to lay hold of the boat, we had
with a few strokes pull'd her out of his reach; and ever when he drew
near the boat, we ask'd if he would row, striking a few strokes to
slide her away from him. He was ready to die with vexation, and obstinately
would not promise to row. However, seeing him at last beginning to
tire, we lifted him in and brought him home dripping wet in the evening.
We hardly exchang'd a civil word afterwards, and a West India captain,
who had a commission to procure a tutor for the sons of a gentleman
at Barbadoes, happening to meet with him, agreed to carry him thither.
He left me then, promising to remit me the first money he should receive
in order to discharge the debt; but I never heard of him after.

The breaking into this money of Vernon's was one of the first great
errata of my life; and this affair show'd that my father was not much
out in his judgment when he suppos'd me too young to manage business
of importance. But Sir William, on reading his letter, said he was
too prudent. There was great difference in persons; and discretion
did not always accompany years, nor was youth always without it. {}``And
since he will not set you up,'' says he, {}``I will do it myself.
Give me an inventory of the things necessary to be had from England,
and I will send for them. You shall repay me when you are able; I
am resolv'd to have a good printer here, and I am sure you must succeed.''
This was spoken with such an appearance of cordiality, that I had
not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept
the proposition of my setting up, a secret in Philadelphia, and I
still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on the governor,
probably some friend, that knew him better, would have advis'd me
not to rely on him, as I afterwards heard it as his known character
to be liberal of promises which he never meant to keep. Yet, unsolicited
as he was by me, how could I think his generous offers insincere?
I believ'd him one of the best men in the world.

I presented him an inventory of a little print'g-house, amounting
by my computation to about one hundred pounds sterling. He lik'd it,
but ask'd me if my being on the spot in England to chuse the types,
and see that every thing was good of the kind, might not be of some
advantage. {}``Then,'' says he, {}``when there, you may make acquaintances,
and establish correspondences in the bookselling and stationery way.''
I agreed that this might be advantageous. {}``Then,'' says he, {}``get
yourself ready to go with \emph{Annis};'' which was the annual ship,
and the only one at that time usually passing between London and Philadelphia.
But it would be some months before \emph{Annis} sail'd, so I continu'd
working with Keimer, fretting about the money Collins had got from
me, and in daily apprehensions of being call'd upon by Vernon, which,
however, did not happen for some years after.

I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first voyage from
Boston, being becalm'd off Block Island, our people set about catching
cod, and hauled up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to my resolution
of not eating animal food, and on this occasion consider'd, with my
master Tryon, the taking every fish as a kind of unprovoked murder,
since none of them had, or ever could do us any injury that might
justify the slaughter. All this seemed very reasonable. But I had
formerly been a great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of
the frying-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc'd some time between
principle and inclination, till I recollected that, when the fish
were opened, I saw smaller fish taken out of their stomachs; then
thought I, {}``If you eat one another, I don't see why we mayn't
eat you.'' So I din'd upon cod very heartily, and continued to eat
with other people, returning only now and then occasionally to a vegetable
diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a reasonable creature, since
it enables one to find or make a reason for everything one has a mind
to do.

Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar footing, and agreed tolerably
well, for he suspected nothing of my setting up. He retained a great
deal of his old enthusiasms and lov'd argumentation. We therefore
had many disputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic method,
and had trepann'd him so often by questions apparently so distant
from any point we had in hand, and yet by degrees lead to the point,
and brought him into difficulties and contradictions, that at last
he grew ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most
common question, without asking first, {}``What do you intend to
infer from that?'' However, it gave him so high an opinion of my
abilities in the confuting way, that he seriously proposed my being
his colleague in a project he had of setting up a new sect. He was
to preach the doctrines, and I was to confound all opponents. When
he came to explain with me upon the doctrines, I found several conundrums
which I objected to, unless I might have my way a little too, and
introduce some of mine.

Keimer wore his beard at full length, because somewhere in the Mosaic
law it is said, {}``Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy beard.''
He likewise kept the Seventh day, Sabbath; and these two points were
essentials with him. I dislik'd both; but agreed to admit them upon
condition of his adopting the doctrine of using no animal food. {}``I
doubt,'' said he, {}``my constitution will not bear that.'' I assur'd
him it would, and that he would be the better for it. He was usually
a great glutton, and I promised myself some diversion in half starving
him. He agreed to try the practice, if I would keep him company. I
did so, and we held it for three months. We had our victuals dress'd,
and brought to us regularly by a woman in the neighborhood, who had
from me a list of forty dishes to be prepar'd for us at different
times, in all which there was neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the
whim suited me the better at this time from the cheapness of it, not
costing us above eighteenpence sterling each per week. I have since
kept several Lents most strictly, leaving the common diet for that,
and that for the common, abruptly, without the least inconvenience,
so that I think there is little in the advice of making those changes
by easy gradations. I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered
grievously, tired of the project, long'd for the flesh-pots of Egypt,
and order'd a roast pig. He invited me and two women friends to dine
with him; but, it being brought too soon upon table, he could not
resist the temptation, and ate the whole before we came.

I had made some courtship during this time to Miss Read. I had a great
respect and affection for her, and had some reason to believe she
had the same for me; but, as I was about to take a long voyage, and
we were both very young, only a little above eighteen, it was thought
most prudent by her mother to prevent our going too far at present,
as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more convenient after
my return, when I should be, as I expected, set up in my business.
Perhaps, too, she thought my expectations not so well founded as I
imagined them to be.

My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson,
and James Ralph, all lovers of reading. The two first were clerks
to an eminent scrivener or conveyancer in the town, Charles Brogden;
the other was clerk to a merchant. Watson was a pious, sensible young
man, of great integrity; the others rather more lax in their principles
of religion, particularly Ralph, who, as well as Collins, had been
unsettled by me, for which they both made me suffer. Osborne was sensible,
candid, frank; sincere and affectionate to his friends; but, in literary
matters, too fond of criticising. Ralph was ingenious, genteel in
his manners, and extremely eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier
talker. Both of them great admirers of poetry, and began to try their
hands in little pieces. Many pleasant walks we four had together on
Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill, where we read to one another,
and conferr'd on what we read.

Ralph was inclin'd to pursue the study of poetry, not doubting but
he might become eminent in it, and make his fortune by it, alleging
that the best poets must, when they first began to write, make as
many faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him, assur'd him he had no
genius for poetry, and advis'd him to think of nothing beyond the
business he was bred to; that, in the mercantile way, tho' he had
no stock, he might, by his diligence and punctuality, recommend himself
to employment as a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade
on his own account. I approv'd the amusing one's self with poetry
now and then, so far as to improve one's language, but no farther.

On this it was propos'd that we should each of us, at our next meeting,
produce a piece of our own composing, in order to improve by our mutual
observations, criticisms, and corrections. As language and expression
were what we had in view, we excluded all considerations of invention
by agreeing that the task should be a version of the eighteenth Psalm,
which describes the descent of a Deity. When the time of our meeting
drew nigh, Ralph called on me first, and let me know his piece was
ready. I told him I had been busy, and, having little inclination,
had done nothing. He then show'd me his piece for my opinion, and
I much approv'd it, as it appear'd to me to have great merit. {}``Now,''
says he, {}``Osborne never will allow the least merit in any thing
of mine, but makes 1000 criticisms out of mere envy. He is not so
jealous of you; I wish, therefore, you would take this piece, and
produce it as yours; I will pretend not to have had time, and so produce
nothing. We shall then see what he will say to it.'' It was agreed,
and I immediately transcrib'd it, that it might appear in my own hand.

We met; Watson's performance was read; there were some beauties in
it, but many defects. Osborne's was read; it was much better; Ralph
did it justice; remarked some faults, but applauded the beauties.
He himself had nothing to produce. I was backward; seemed desirous
of being excused; had not had sufficient time to correct, \textit{etc}.;
but no excuse could be admitted; produce I must. It was read and repeated;
Watson and Osborne gave up the contest, and join'd in applauding it.
Ralph only made some criticisms, and propos'd some amendments; but
I defended my text. Osborne was against Ralph, and told him he was
no better a critic than poet, so he dropt the argument. As they two
went home together, Osborne expressed himself still more strongly
in favor of what he thought my production; having restrain'd himself
before, as he said, lest I should think it flattery. {}``But who
would have imagin'd,'' said he, {}``that Franklin had been capable
of such a performance; such painting, such force, such fire! He has
even improv'd the original. In his common conversation he seems to
have no choice of words; he hesitates and blunders; and yet, good
God!\ how he writes!'' When we next met, Ralph discovered the trick
we had plaid him, and Osborne was a little laught at.

This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of becoming a poet.
I did all I could to dissuade him from it, but he continued scribbling
verses till Pope cured him. He became, however, a pretty good prose
writer. More of him hereafter. But, as I may not have occasion again
to mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died
in my arms a few years after, much lamented, being the best of our
set. Osborne went to the West Indies, where he became an eminent lawyer
and made money, but died young. He and I had made a serious agreement,
that the one who happen'd first to die should, if possible, make a
friendly visit to the other, and acquaint him how he found things
in that separate state. But he never fulfill'd his promise.

The governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequently to his
house, and his setting me up was always mention'd as a fixed thing.
I was to take with me letters recommendatory to a number of his friends,
besides the letter of credit to furnish me with the necessary money
for purchasing the press and types, paper, \textit{etc}. For these
letters I was appointed to call at different times, when they were
to be ready, but a future time was still named. Thus he went on till
the ship, whose departure too had been several times postponed, was
on the point of sailing. Then, when I call'd to take my leave and
receive the letters, his secretary, Dr.\ Bard, came out to me and
said the governor was extremely busy in writing, but would be down
at Newcastle before the ship, and there the letters would be delivered
to me.

Ralph, though married, and having one child, had determined to accompany
me in this voyage. It was thought he intended to establish a correspondence,
and obtain goods to sell on commission; but I found afterwards, that,
thro' some discontent with his wife's relations, he purposed to leave
her on their hands, and never return again. Having taken leave of
my friends, and interchang'd some promises with Miss Read, I left
Philadelphia in the ship, which anchor'd at Newcastle. The governor
was there; but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came to me
from him with the civillest message in the world, that he could not
then see me, being engaged in business of the utmost importance, but
should send the letters to me on board, wish'd me heartily a good
voyage and a speedy return, \textit{etc}. I returned on board a little
puzzled, but still not doubting.

Mr.\ Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadelphia, had taken
passage in the same ship for himself and son, and with Mr.\ Denham,
a Quaker merchant, and Messrs.\  Onion and Russel, masters of an
iron work in Maryland, had engag'd the great cabin; so that Ralph
and I were forced to take up with a berth in the steerage, and none
on board knowing us, were considered as ordinary persons. But Mr.\ Hamilton
and his son (it was James, since governor) return'd from Newcastle
to Philadelphia, the father being recall'd by a great fee to plead
for a seized ship; and, just before we sail'd, Colonel French coming
on board, and showing me great respect, I was more taken notice of,
and, with my friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen to come
into the cabin, there being now room. Accordingly, we remov'd thither.

Understanding that Colonel French had brought on board the governor's
despatches, I ask'd the captain for those letters that were to be
under my care. He said all were put into the bag together and he could
not then come at them; but, before we landed in England, I should
have an opportunity of picking them out; so I was satisfied for the
present, and we proceeded on our voyage. We had a sociable company
in the cabin, and lived uncommonly well, having the addition of all
Mr.\ Hamilton's stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage
Mr.\ Denham contracted a friendship for me that continued during
his life. The voyage was otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a
great deal of bad weather.

When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his word with me,
and gave me an opportunity of examining the bag for the governor's
letters. I found none upon which my name was put as under my care.
I picked out six or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might
be the promised letters, especially as one of them was directed to
Basket, the king's printer, and another to some stationer. We arriv'd
in London the 24th of December, 1724. I waited upon the stationer,
who came first in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor Keith.
{}``I don't know such a person,'' says he; but, opening the letter,
{}``O! this is from Riddlesden. I have lately found him to be a compleat
rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor receive any letters
from him.'' So, putting the letter into my hand, he turn'd on his
heel and left me to serve some customer. I was surprized to find these
were not the governor's letters; and, after recollecting and comparing
circumstances, I began to doubt his sincerity. I found my friend Denham,
and opened the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith's character;
told me there was not the least probability that he had written any
letters for me; that no one, who knew him, had the smallest dependence
on him; and he laught at the notion of the governor's giving me a
letter of credit, having, as he said, no credit to give. On my expressing
some concern about what I should do, he advised me to endeavor getting
some employment in the way of my business. {}``Among the printers
here,'' said he, {}``you will improve yourself, and when you return
to America, you will set up to greater advantage.''

We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the stationer, that Riddlesden,
the attorney, was a very knave. He had half ruin'd Miss Read's father
by persuading him to be bound for him. By this letter it appear'd
there was a secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of Hamilton (suppos'd
to be then coming over with us); and that Keith was concerned in it
with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of Hamilton's thought he
ought to be acquainted with it; so, when he arriv'd in England, which
was soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith and Riddlesden,
and partly from good-will to him, I waited on him, and gave him the
letter. He thank'd me cordially, the information being of importance
to him; and from that time he became my friend, greatly to my advantage
afterwards on many occasions.

But what shall we think of a governor's playing such pitiful tricks,
and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant boy! It was a habit he
had acquired. He wish'd to please everybody; and, having little to
give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible
man, a pretty good writer, and a good governor for the people, tho'
not for his constituents, the proprietaries, whose instructions he
sometimes disregarded. Several of our best laws were of his planning
and passed during his administration.

Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took lodgings together
in Little Britain at three shillings and sixpence a week\mbox{---}as
much as we could then afford. He found some relations, but they were
poor, and unable to assist him. He now let me know his intentions
of remaining in London, and that he never meant to return to Philadelphia.
He had brought no money with him, the whole he could muster having
been expended in paying his passage. I had fifteen \textit{\emph{pistoles}};
so he borrowed occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking
out for business. He first endeavored to get into the playhouse, believing
himself qualify'd for an actor; but Wilkes, to whom he apply'd, advis'd
him candidly not to think of that employment, as it was impossible
he should succeed in it. Then he propos'd to Roberts, a publisher
in Paternoster Row, to write for him a weekly paper like the \emph{Spectator},
on certain conditions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he endeavored
to get employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers
and lawyers about the Temple, but could find no vacancy.

I immediately got into work at Palmer's, then a famous printing-house
in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu'd near a year. I was pretty
diligent, but spent with Ralph a good deal of my earnings in going
to plays and other places of amusement. We had together consumed all
my \textit{\emph{pistoles}}, and now just rubbed on from hand to mouth.
He seem'd quite to forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my
engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter,
and that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return. This
was another of the great errata of my life, which I should wish to
correct if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our expenses,
I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage.

At Palmer's I was employed in composing for the second edition of
Wollaston's {}``Religion of Nature.'' Some of his reasonings not
appearing to me well founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece
in which I made remarks on them. It was entitled {}``A Dissertation
on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain.'' I inscribed it to
my friend Ralph; I printed a small number. It occasion'd my being
more consider'd by Mr.\ Palmer as a young man of some ingenuity,
tho' he seriously expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet,
which to him appear'd abominable. My printing this pamphlet was another
erratum. While I lodg'd in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance
with one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next door. He
had an immense collection of second-hand books. Circulating libraries
were not then in use; but we agreed that, on certain reasonable terms,
which I have now forgotten, I might take, read, and return any of
his books. This I esteem'd a great advantage, and I made as much use
of it as I could.

My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of one Lyons, a surgeon,
author of a book entitled {}``The Infallibility of Human Judgment,''
it occasioned an acquaintance between us. He took great notice of
me, called on me often to converse on those subjects, carried me to
the Horns, a pale alehouse in \mbox{------} Lane, Cheapside, and
introduced me to Dr.\ Mandeville, author of the {}``Fable of the
Bees,'' who had a club there, of which he was the soul, being a most
facetious, entertaining companion. Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr.\ Pemberton,
at Batson's Coffee-house, who promis'd to give me an opportunity,
some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which I was extreamely
desirous; but this never happened.

I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the principal was
a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane
heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury
Square, where he show'd me all his curiosities, and persuaded me to
let him add that to the number, for which he paid me handsomely.

In our house there lodg'd a young woman, a milliner, who, I think,
had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly bred, was sensible
and lively, and of most pleasing conversation. Ralph read plays to
her in the evenings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging,
and he followed her. They liv'd together some time; but, he being
still out of business, and her income not sufficient to maintain them
with her child, he took a resolution of going from London, to try
for a country school, which he thought himself well qualified to undertake,
as he wrote an excellent hand, and was a master of arithmetic and
accounts. This, however, he deemed a business below him, and confident
of future better fortune, when he should be unwilling to have it known
that he once was so meanly employed, he changed his name, and did
me the honor to assume mine; for I soon after had a letter from him,
acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire,
I think it was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen
boys, at sixpence each per week), recommending Mrs.\ \mbox{T\mbox{------}}
to my care, and desiring me to write to him, directing for Mr.\ Franklin,
schoolmaster, at such a place.

He continued to write frequently, sending me large specimens of an
epic poem which he was then composing, and desiring my remarks and
corrections. These I gave him from time to time, but endeavor'd rather
to discourage his proceeding. One of Young's Satires was then just
published. I copy'd and sent him a great part of it, which set in
a strong light the folly of pursuing the Muses with any hope of advancement
by them. All was in vain; sheets of the poem continued to come by
every post. In the mean time, Mrs.\ \mbox{T\mbox{------}}, having
on his account lost her friends and business, was often in distresses,
and us'd to send for me, and borrow what I could spare to help her
out of them. I grew fond of her company, and, being at that time under
no religious restraint, and presuming upon my importance to her, I
attempted familiarities (another erratum) which she repuls'd with
a proper resentment, and acquainted him with my behaviour. This made
a breach between us; and, when he returned again to London, he let
me know he thought I had cancell'd all the obligations he had been
under to me. So I found I was never to expect his repaying me what
I lent to him, or advanc'd for him. This, however, was not then of
much consequence, as he was totally unable; and in the loss of his
friendship I found myself relieved from a burthen. I now began to
think of getting a little money beforehand, and, expecting better
work, I left Palmer's to work at Watts's, near Lincoln's Inn Fields,
a still greater printing-house. Here I continued all the rest of my
stay in London.

At my first admission into this printing-house I took to working at
press, imagining I felt a want of the bodily exercise I had been us'd
to in America, where presswork is mix'd with composing. I drank only
water; the other workmen, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers
of beer. On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large form of
types in each hand, when others carried but one in both hands. They
wondered to see, from this and several instances, that the Water-American,
as they called me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong
beer! We had an alehouse boy who attended always in the house to supply
the workmen. My companion at the press drank every day a pint before
breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between
breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon about
six o'clock, and another when he had done his day's work. I thought
it a detestable custom; but it was necessary, he suppos'd, to drink
strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince
him that the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be in proportion
to the grain or flour of the barley dissolved in the water of which
it was made; that there was more flour in a pennyworth of bread; and
therefore, if he would eat that with a pint of water, it would give
him more strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, however, and
had four or five shillings to pay out of his wages every Saturday
night for that muddling liquor; an expense I was free from. And thus
these poor devils keep themselves always under.

Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the composing-room,
I left the pressmen; a new \textit{bien} \emph{venu} or sum for drink,
being five shillings, was demanded of me by the compositors. I thought
it an imposition, as I had paid below; the master thought so too,
and forbad my paying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was accordingly
considered as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces of private
mischief done me, by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking
my matter, \textit{etc}., \textit{etc}., if I were ever so little
out of the room, and all ascribed to the chappel ghost, which they
said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding
the master's protection, I found myself oblig'd to comply and pay
the money, convinc'd of the folly of being on ill terms with those
one is to live with continually.

I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquir'd considerable
influence. I propos'd some reasonable alterations in their chappel%
\footnote{{}``A printing-house is always called a chapel by the workmen, the
origin of which appears to have been that printing was first carried
on in England in an ancient chapel converted into a printing-house,
and the title has been preserved by tradition. The \textit{bien} \emph{venu}
among the printers answers to the terms entrance and footing among
mechanics; thus a journeyman, on entering a printing-house, was accustomed
to pay one or more gallons of beer for the good of the chapel; this
custom was falling into disuse thirty years ago; it is very properly
rejected entirely in the United States.\char`\"{}\mbox{---}W. T.\ F.%
} laws, and carried them against all opposition. From my example, a
great part of them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread,
and cheese, finding they could with me be suppli'd from a neighboring
house with a large porringer of hot water-gruel, sprinkled with pepper,
crumbl'd with bread, and a bit of butter in it, for the price of a
pint of beer, \textit{viz}., three half-pence. This was a more comfortable
as well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those
who continued sotting with beer all day, were often, by not paying,
out of credit at the alehouse, and us'd to make interest with me to
get beer; their light, as they phrased it, being out. I watch'd the
pay-table on Saturday night, and collected what I stood engag'd for
them, having to pay sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their
account. This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good riggite, that is,
a jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in the society.
My constant attendance (I never making a St.\ Monday) recommended
me to the master; and my uncommon quickness at composing occasioned
my being put upon all work of dispatch, which was generally better
paid. So I went on now very agreeably.

My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found another in
Duke-street, opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was two pair of stairs
backwards, at an Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the house; she
had a daughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who attended
the warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. After sending to inquire my character
at the house where I last lodg'd she agreed to take me in at the same
rate, 3s.\ 6d.\ per week; cheaper, as she said, from the protection
she expected in having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow,
an elderly woman; had been bred a Protestant, being a clergyman's
daughter, but was converted to the Catholic religion by her husband,
whose memory she much revered; had lived much among people of distinction,
and knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back as the times of
Charles the Second. She was lame in her knees with the gout, and,
therefore, seldom stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted company;
and hers was so highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an
evening with her whenever she desired it. Our supper was only half
an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread and butter, and half
a pint of ale between us; but the entertainment was in her conversation.
My always keeping good hours, and giving little trouble in the family,
made her unwilling to part with me; so that, when I talk'd of a lodging
I had heard of, nearer my business, for two shillings a week, which,
intent as I now was on saving money, made some difference, she bid
me not think of it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for
the future; so I remained with her at one shilling and sixpence as
long as I staid in London.

In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of seventy, in
the most retired manner, of whom my landlady gave me this account:
that she was a Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young, and
lodg'd in a nunnery with an intent of becoming a nun; but, the country
not agreeing with her, she returned to England, where, there being
no nunnery, she had vow'd to lead the life of a nun, as near as might
be done in those circumstances. Accordingly, she had given all her
estate to charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to
live on, and out of this sum she still gave a great deal in charity,
living herself on water-gruel only, and using no fire but to boil
it. She had lived many years in that garret, being permitted to remain
there \emph{gratis} by successive Catholic tenants of the house below,
as they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A priest visited her
to confess her every day. {}``I have ask'd her,'' says my landlady,
{}``how she, as she liv'd, could possibly find so much employment
for a confessor?'' {}``Oh,'' said she, {}``it is impossible to
avoid vain thoughts.'' I was permitted once to visit her, She was
chearful and polite, and convers'd pleasantly. The room was clean,
but had no other furniture than a \textit{\emph{matras}}, a table
with a crucifix and book, a stool which she gave me to sit on, and
a picture over the chimney of Saint Veronica displaying her handkerchief,
with the miraculous figure of Christ's bleeding face on it, which
she explained to me with great seriousness. She look'd pale, but was
never sick; and I give it as another instance on how small an income
life and health may be supported.

At Watts's printing-house I contracted an acquaintance with an ingenious
young man, one Wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been better
educated than most printers; was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French,
and lov'd reading. I taught him and a friend of his to swim at twice
going into the river, and they soon became good swimmers. They introduc'd
me to some gentlemen from the country, who went to Chelsea by water
to see the College and Don Saltero's curiosities. In our return, at
the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I
stripped and leaped into the river, and swam from near Chelsea to
Blackfryar's, performing on the way many feats of activity, both upon
and under water, that surpris'd and pleas'd those to whom they were
novelties.

I had from a child been ever delighted with this exercise, had studied
and practis'd all Thevenot's motions and positions, added some of
my own, aiming at the graceful and easy as well as the useful. All
these I took this occasion of exhibiting to the company, and was much
flatter'd by their admiration; and Wygate, who was desirous of becoming
a master, grew more and more attach'd to me on that account, as well
as from the similarity of our studies. He at length proposed to me
travelling all over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere
by working at our business. I was once inclined to it; but, mentioning
it to my good friend Mr.\ Denham, with whom I often spent an hour
when I had leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advising me to think
only of returning to Pennsilvania, which he was now about to do.

I must record one trait of this good man's character. He had formerly
been in business at Bristol, but failed in debt to a number of people,
compounded and went to America. There, by a close application to business
as a merchant, he acquir'd a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning
to England in the ship with me, he invited his old creditors to an
entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the easy composition they
had favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but the treat,
every man at the first remove found under his plate an order on a
banker for the full amount of the unpaid remainder with interest.

He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and should
carry over a great quantity of goods in order to open a store there.
He propos'd to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books, in which
he would instruct me, copy his letters, and attend the store. He added
that, as soon as I should be acquainted with mercantile business,
he would promote me by sending me with a cargo of flour and bread,
\textit{etc}., to the West Indies, and procure me commissions from
others which would be profitable; and, if I manag'd well, would establish
me handsomely. The thing pleas'd me; for I was grown tired of London,
remembered with pleasure the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania,
and wish'd again to see it; therefore I immediately agreed on the
terms of fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money; less, indeed, than
my present gettings as a compositor, but affording a better prospect.

I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever, and was daily
employed in my new business, going about with Mr.\ Denham among the
tradesmen to purchase various articles, and seeing them pack'd up,
doing errands, calling upon workmen to dispatch, \textit{etc}.; and,
when all was on board, I had a few days' leisure. On one of these
days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man I knew only by
name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I waited upon him. He had heard by
some means or other of my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriar's, and
of my teaching Wygate and another young man to swim in a few hours.
He had two sons, about to set out on their travels; he wish'd to have
them first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely
if I would teach them. They were not yet come to town, and my stay
was uncertain, so I could not undertake it; but, from this incident,
I thought it likely that, if I were to remain in England and open
a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of money; and it struck
me so strongly, that, had the overture been sooner made me, probably
I should not so soon have returned to America. After many years, you
and I had something of more importance to do with one of these sons
of Sir William Wyndham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall mention
in its place.

Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; most part of the time
I work'd hard at my business, and spent but little upon myself except
in seeing plays and in books. My friend Ralph had kept me poor; he
owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which I was now never likely to
receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I lov'd him, notwithstanding,
for he had many amiable qualities. I had by no means improv'd my fortune;
but I had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose conversation
was of great advantage to me; and I had read considerably.

We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 1726. For the incidents
of the voyage, I refer you to my journal, where you will find them
all minutely related. Perhaps the most important part of that journal
is the plan%
\footnote{The {}``Journal'' was printed by Sparks, from a copy made at Reading
in 1787. But it does not contain the Plan.\mbox{---}Ed.%
} to be found in it, which I formed at sea, for regulating my future
conduct in life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed when I
was so young, and yet being pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro'
to old age.

We landed in Philadelphia on the 11th of October, where I found sundry
alterations. Keith was no longer governor, being superseded by Major
Gordon. I met him walking the streets as a common citizen. He seem'd
a little asham'd at seeing me, but pass'd without saying anything.
I should have been as much asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not her
friends, despairing with reason of my return after the receipt of
my letter, persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which
was done in my absence. With him, however, she was never happy, and
soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him or bear his name,
it being now said that he had another wife. He was a worthless fellow,
tho' an excellent workman, which was the temptation to her friends.
He got into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies,
and died there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop well supply'd
with stationery, plenty of new types, a number of hands, tho' none
good, and seem'd to have a great deal of business.

Mr.\ Denham took a store in Water-street, where we open'd our goods;
I attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in
a little time, expert at selling. We lodg'd and, boarded together;
he counsell'd me as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I respected
and lov'd him, and we might have gone on together very happy; but,
in the beginning of February, 1726-7, when I had just pass'd my twenty-first
year, we both were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very
nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point in
my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I found myself recovering,
regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some time or other, have
all that disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his distemper
was; it held him a long time, and at length carried him off. He left
me a small legacy in a nuncupative will, as a token of his kindness
for me, and he left me once more to the wide world; for the store
was taken into the care of his executors, and my employment under
him ended.

My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, advised my return
to my business; and Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages
by the year, to come and take the management of his printing-house,
that he might better attend his stationer's shop. I had heard a bad
character of him in London from his wife and her friends, and was
not fond of having any more to do with him. I tri'd for farther employment
as a merchant's clerk; but, not readily meeting with any, I clos'd
again with Keimer. I found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith,
a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country work; honest,
sensible, had a great deal of solid observation, was something of
a reader, but given to drink. Stephen Potts, a young countryman of
full age, bred to the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit
and humor, but a little idle. These he had agreed with at extream
low wages per week, to be rais'd a shilling every three months, as
they would deserve by improving in their business; and the expectation
of these high wages, to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them
in with. Meredith was to work at press, Potts at book-binding, which
he, by agreement, was to teach them, though he knew neither one nor
t'other. John \mbox{------}, a wild Irishman, brought up to no business,
whose service, for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain
of a ship; he, too, was to be made a pressman. George Webb, an Oxford
scholar, whose time for four years he had likewise bought, intending
him for a compositor, of whom more presently; and David Harry, a country
boy, whom he had taken apprentice.

I soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging me at wages so much
higher than he had been us'd to give, was, to have these raw, cheap
hands form'd thro' me; and, as soon as I had instructed them, then
they being all articled to him, he should be able to do without me.
I went on, however, very cheerfully, put his printing-house in order,
which had been in great confusion, and brought his hands by degrees
to mind their business and to do it better.

It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the situation of
a bought servant. He was not more than eighteen years of age, and
gave me this account of himself; that he was born in Gloucester, educated
at a grammar-school there, had been distinguish'd among the scholars
for some apparent superiority in performing his part, when they exhibited
plays; belong'd to the Witty Club there, and had written some pieces
in prose and verse, which were printed in the Gloucester newspapers;
thence he was sent to Oxford; where he continued about a year, but
not well satisfi'd, wishing of all things to see London, and become
a player. At length, receiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen
guineas, instead of discharging his debts he walk'd out of town, hid
his gown in a furze bush, and footed it to London, where, having no
friend to advise him, he fell into bad company, soon spent his guineas,
found no means of being introduc'd among the players, grew necessitous,
pawn'd his cloaths, and wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry,
and not knowing what to do with himself, a crimp's bill was put into
his hand, offering immediate entertainment and encouragement to such
as would bind themselves to serve in America.

He went directly, sign'd the indentures, was put into the ship, and
came over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what was become
of him. He was lively, witty, good-natur'd, and a pleasant companion,
but idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to the last degree.

John, the Irishman, soon ran away; with the rest I began to live very
agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they found Keimer
incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learned something
daily. We never worked on Saturday, that being Keimer's Sabbath, so
I had two days for reading. My acquaintance with ingenious people
in the town increased. Keimer himself treated me with great civility
and apparent regard, and nothing now made me uneasy but my debt to
Vernon, which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor \oe{}conomist.
He, however, kindly made no demand of it.

Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-founder
in America; I had seen types cast at James's in London, but without
much attention to the manner; however, I now contrived a mould, made
use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead,
And thus supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all deficiencies. I also
engrav'd several things on occasion; I made the ink; I was warehouseman,
and everything, and, in short, quite a factotum.

But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my services became
every day of less importance, as the other hands improv'd in the business;
and, when Keimer paid my second quarter's wages, he let me know that
he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an abatement. He
grew by degrees less civil, put on more of the master, frequently
found fault, was captious, and seem'd ready for an outbreaking. I
went on, nevertheless, with a good deal of patience, thinking that
his encumber'd circumstances were partly the cause. At length a trifle
snapt our connections; for, a great noise happening near the court-house,
I put my head out of the window to see what was the matter. Keimer,
being in the street, look'd up and saw me, call'd out to me in a loud
voice and angry tone to mind my business, adding some reproachful
words, that nettled me the more for their publicity, all the neighbors
who were looking out on the same occasion being witnesses how I was
treated. He came up immediately into the printing-house, continu'd
the quarrel, high words pass'd on both sides, he gave me the quarter's
warning we had stipulated, expressing a wish that he had not been
oblig'd to so long a warning. I told him his wish was unnecessary,
for I would leave him that instant; and so, taking my hat, walk'd
out of doors, desiring Meredith, whom I saw below, to take care of
some things I left, and bring them to my lodgings.

Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked my affair
over. He had conceiv'd a great regard for me, and was very unwilling
that I should leave the house while he remain'd in it. He dissuaded
me from returning to my native country, which I began to think of;
he reminded me that Keimer was in debt for all he possess'd; that
his creditors began to be uneasy; that he kept his shop miserably,
sold often without profit for ready money, and often trusted without
keeping accounts; that he must therefore fall, which would make a
vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of money. He then let
me know that his father had a high opinion of me, and, from some discourse
that had pass'd between them, he was sure would advance money to set
us up, if I would enter into partnership with him. {}``My time,''
says he, {}``will be out with Keimer in the spring; by that time
we may have our press and types in from London. I am sensible I am
no workman; if you like it, your skill in the business shall be set
against the stock I furnish, and we will share the profits equally.''

The proposal was agreeable, and I consented; his father was in town
and approv'd of it; the more as he saw I had great influence with
his son, had prevail'd on him to abstain long from dram-drinking,
and he hop'd might break him off that wretched habit entirely, when
we came to be so closely connected. I gave an inventory to the father,
who carry'd it to a merchant; the things were sent for, the secret
was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time I was
to get work, if I could, at the other printing-house. But I found
no vacancy there, and so remain'd idle a few days, when Keimer, on
a prospect of being employ'd to print some paper money in New Jersey,
which would require cuts and various types that I only could supply,
and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the jobb from him,
sent me a very civil message, that old friends should not part for
a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return.
Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more opportunity
for his improvement under my daily instructions; so I return'd, and
we went on more smoothly than for some time before. The New jersey
jobb was obtain'd, I contriv'd a copperplate press for it, the first
that had been seen in the country; I cut several ornaments and checks
for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the
whole to satisfaction; and he received so large a sum for the work
as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much longer above water.

At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many principal people of
the province. Several of them had been appointed by the Assembly a
committee to attend the press, and take care that no more bills were
printed than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, constantly
with us, and generally he who attended, brought with him a friend
or two for company. My mind having been much more improv'd by reading
than Keimer's, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation seem'd
to he more valu'd. They had me to their houses, introduced me to their
friends, and show'd me much civility; while he, tho' the master, was
a little neglected. In truth, he was an odd fish; ignorant of common
life, fond of rudely opposing receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream
dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a little knavish
withal.

We continu'd there near three months; and by that time I could reckon
among my acquired friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the secretary
of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the
Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general.
The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who told me that he began
for himself, when young, by wheeling clay for the brick-makers, learned
to write after he was of age, carri'd the chain for surveyors, who
taught him surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquir'd a good
estate; and says he, {}``I foresee that you will soon work this man
out of business, and make a fortune in it at Philadelphia.'' He had
not then the least intimation of my intention to set up there or anywhere.
These friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occasionally
was to some of them. They all continued their regard for me as long
as they lived.

Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, it may be well
to let you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles
and morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd the future events
of my life. My parents had early given me religious impressions, and
brought me through my childhood piously in the Dissenting way. But
I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of several points,
as I found them disputed in the different books I read, I began to
doubt of Revelation itself. Some books against Deism fell into my
hands; they were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle's
Lectures. It happened that they wrought an effect on me quite contrary
to what was intended by them; for the arguments of the Deists, which
were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger than the \textit{\emph{refutations}};
in short, I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments perverted some
others, particularly Collins and Ralph; but, each of them having afterwards
wrong'd me greatly without the least compunction, and recollecting
Keith's conduct towards me (who was another freethinker), and my own
towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave me great trouble,
I began to suspect that this doctrine, tho' it might be true, was
not very useful. My London pamphlet, which had for its motto these
lines of Dryden: \begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize

``------------Whatever is, is right. \\* 

Though purblind man \\*

\mbox{Sees but a part o' the chain, the nearest link:}\\*

His eyes not carrying to the equal beam, \\*

That poises all above;''

\end{verse} \end{flushleft} and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, goodness and
power, concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world,
and that vice and virtue were empty distinctions, no such things existing,
appear'd now not so clever a performance as I once thought it; and
I doubted whether some error had not insinuated itself unperceiv'd
into my argument, so as to infect all that follow'd, as is common
in metaphysical reasonings.

I grew convinc'd that truth, sincerity and integrity in dealings between
man and man were of the utmost importance to the felicity of life;
and I form'd written resolutions, which still remain in my journal
book, to practice them ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed no
weight with me, as such; but I entertain'd an opinion that, though
certain actions might not be bad because they were forbidden by it,
or good because it commanded them, yet probably these actions might
be forbidden because they were bad for us, or commanded because they
were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances
of things considered. And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence,
or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable circumstances and
situations, or all together, preserved me, thro' this dangerous time
of youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in among strangers,
remote from the eye and advice of my father, without any willful gross
immorality or injustice, that might have been expected from my want
of religion. I say willful, because the instances I have mentioned
had something of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperience, and
the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable character to begin
the world with; I valued it properly, and determin'd to preserve it.

We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia before the new types
arriv'd from London. We settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent
before he heard of it. We found a house to hire near the market, and
took it. To lessen the rent, which was then but twenty-four pounds
a year, tho' I have since known it to let for seventy, we took in
Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay a considerable
part of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened
our letters and put our press in order, before George House, an acquaintance
of mine, brought a countryman to us, whom he had met in the street
inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended in the variety
of particulars we had been obliged to procure, and this countryman's
five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably,
gave me more pleasure than any crown I have since earned; and the
gratitude I felt toward House has made me often more ready than perhaps
I should otherwise have been to assist young beginners.

There are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin. Such
a one then lived in Philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man,
with a wise look and a very grave manner of speaking; his name was
Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopt one day at
my door, and asked me if I was the young man who had lately opened
a new printing-house. Being answered in the affirmative, he said he
was sorry for me, because it was an expensive undertaking, and the
expense would be lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people
already half-bankrupts, or near being so; all appearances to the contrary,
such as new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his certain
knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact, among the things that
would soon ruin us. And he gave me such a detail of misfortunes now
existing, or that were soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy.
Had I known him before I engaged in this business, probably I never
should have done it. This man continued to live in this decaying place,
and to declaim in the same strain, refusing for many years to buy
a house there, because all was going to destruction; and at last I
had the pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as
he might have bought it for when he first began his croaking.

I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of the preceding
year, I had form'd most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of
mutual improvement, which we called the \textit{Junto}; we met on
Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up required that every member,
in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any point of Morals,
Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss'd by the company; and
once in three months produce and read an essay of his own writing,
on any subject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction
of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of inquiry
after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of victory; and,
to prevent warmth, all expressions of positiveness in opinions, or
direct contradiction, were after some time made contraband, and prohibited
under small pecuniary penalties.

The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of deeds for the
scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly, middle-ag'd man, a great lover
of poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was
tolerable; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible
conversation.

Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his way, and
afterward inventor of what is now called Hadley's Quadrant. But he
knew little out of his way, and was not a pleasing companion; as,
like most great mathematicians I have met with, he expected universal
precision in everything said, or was for ever denying or distinguishing
upon trifles, to the disturbance of all conversation. He soon left
us.

Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who lov'd
books, and sometimes made a few verses.

William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but loving reading, had acquir'd
a considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a
view to astrology, that he afterwards laught at it. He also became
surveyor-general.

William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and a solid,
sensible man.

Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb I have characteriz'd
before.

Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively,
and witty; a lover of punning and of his friends.

And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about my age, who had
the coolest, clearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals
of almost any man I ever met with. He became afterwards a merchant
of great note, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship continued
without interruption to his death, upward of forty years; and the
club continued almost as long, and was the best school of philosophy,
morality, and politics that then existed in the province; for our
queries, which were read the week preceding their discussion, put
us upon reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we
might speak more to the purpose; and here, too, we acquired better
habits of conversation, every thing being studied in our rules which
might prevent our disgusting each other. From hence the long continuance
of the club, which I shall have frequent occasion to speak further
of hereafter.

But my giving this account of it here is to show something of the
interest I had, every one of these exerting themselves in recommending
business to us. Breintnal particularly procur'd us from the Quakers
the printing forty sheets of their history, the rest being to be done
by Keimer; and upon this we work'd exceedingly hard, for the price
was low. It was a folio, \emph{pro} \textit{patria} size, in pica,
with long primer notes. I compos'd of it a sheet a day, and Meredith
worked it off at press; it was often eleven at night, and sometimes
later, before I had finished my distribution for the next day's work,
for the little jobbs sent in by our other friends now and then put
us back. But so determin'd I was to continue doing a sheet a day of
the folio, that one night, when, having impos'd my forms, I thought
my day's work over, one of them by accident was broken, and two pages
reduced to pie, I immediately distributed and compos'd it over again
before I went to bed; and this industry, visible to our neighbors,
began to give us character and credit; particularly, I was told, that
mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants' Every-night
club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there being already
two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr.\ Baird (whom
you and I saw many years after at his native place, St.\ Andrew's
in Scotland) gave a contrary opinion: {}``For the industry of that
Franklin,'' says he, {}``is superior to any thing I ever saw of
the kind; I see him still at work when I go home from club, and he
is at work again before his neighbors are out of bed.'' This struck
the rest, and we soon after had offers from one of them to supply
us with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse to engage in shop
business.

I mention this industry the more particularly and the more freely,
tho' it seems to be talking in my own praise, that those of my posterity,
who shall read it, may know the use of that virtue, when they see
its effects in my favour throughout this relation.

George Webb, who had found a female friend that lent him wherewith
to purchase his time of Keimer, now came to offer himself as a journeyman
to us. We could not then employ him; but I foolishly let him know
as a secret that I soon intended to begin a newspaper, and might then
have work for him. My hopes of success, as I told him, were founded
on this, that the then only newspaper, printed by Bradford, was a
paltry thing, wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet was
profitable to him; I therefore thought a good paper would scarcely
fail of good encouragement. I requested Webb not to mention it; but
he told it to Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with me, published
proposals for printing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ'd.
I resented this; and, to counteract them, as I could not yet begin
our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertainment for Bradford's
paper, under the title of the \textit{Busy} \textit{Body}, which Breintnal
continu'd some months. By this means the attention of the publick
was fixed on that paper, and Keimer's proposals, which we burlesqu'd
and ridicul'd, were disregarded. He began his paper, however, and,
after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at most only ninety
subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and I, having been
ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly; and it
prov'd in a few years extremely profitable to me.

I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular number, though our
partnership still continu'd; the reason may be that, in fact, the
whole management of the business lay upon me. Meredith was no compositor,
a poor pressman, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my connection
with him, but I was to make the best of it.

Our first papers made a quite different appearance from any before
in the province; a better type, and better printed; but some spirited
remarks of my writing, on the dispute then going on between Governor
Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal people,
occasioned the paper and the manager of it to be much talk'd of, and
in a few weeks brought them all to be our subscribers.

Their example was follow'd by many, and our number went on growing
continually. This was one of the first good effects of my having learnt
a little to scribble; another was, that the leading men, seeing a
newspaper now in the hands of one who could also handle a pen, thought
it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed the
votes, and laws, and other publick business. He had printed an address
of the House to the governor, in a coarse, blundering manner, we reprinted
it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every member. They were
sensible of the difference: it strengthened the hands of our friends
in the House, and they voted us their printers for the year ensuing.

Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr.\ Hamilton, before
mentioned, who was then returned from England, and had a seat in it.
He interested himself for me strongly in that instance, as he did
in many others afterward, continuing his patronage till his death.%
\footnote{I got his son once \pounds 500.\mbox{---}{[}Marg.\ note.{]}%
}

Mr.\ Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt I ow'd him,
but did not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment,
crav'd his forbearance a little longer, which he allow'd me, and as
soon as I was able, I paid the principal with interest, and many thanks;
so that erratum was in some degree corrected.

But now another difficulty came upon me which I had never the least
reason to expect. Mr.\ Meredith's father, who was to have paid for
our printing-house, according to the expectations given me, was able
to advance only one hundred pounds currency, which had been paid;
and a hundred more was due to the merchant, who grew impatient, and
su'd us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the money could not be
rais'd in time, the suit must soon come to a judgment and execution,
and our hopeful prospects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and
letters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half price.

In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have never forgotten,
nor ever shall forget while I can remember any thing, came to me separately,
unknown to each other, and, without any application from me, offering
each of them to advance me all the money that should be necessary
to enable me to take the whole business upon myself, if that should
be practicable; but they did not like my continuing the partnership
with Meredith, who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets,
and playing at low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These
two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them I could
not propose a separation while any prospect remain'd of the Merediths'
fulfilling their part of our agreement, because I thought myself under
great obligations to them for what they had done, and would do if
they could; but, if they finally fail'd in their performance, and
our partnership must be dissolv'd, I should then think myself at liberty
to accept the assistance of my friends.

Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to my partner, {}``Perhaps
your father is dissatisfied at the part you have undertaken in this
affair of ours, and is unwilling to advance for you and me what he
would for you alone. If that is the case, tell me, and I will resign
the whole to you, and go about my business.'' {}``No,'' said he,
{}``my father has really been disappointed, and is really unable;
and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see this is a business
I am not fit for. I was bred a farmer, and it was a folly in me to
come to town, and put myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice
to learn a new trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to settle
in North Carolina, where land is cheap. I am inclin'd to go with them,
and follow my old employment. You may find friends to assist you.
If you will take the debts of the company upon you; return to my father
the hundred pound he has advanced; pay my little personal debts, and
give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinquish the partnership,
and leave the whole in your hands.'' I agreed to this proposal: it
was drawn up in writing, sign'd, and seal'd immediately. I gave him
what he demanded, and he went soon after to Carolina, from whence
he sent me next year two long letters, containing the best account
that had been given of that country, the climate, the soil, husbandry,
\textit{etc}., for in those matters he was very judicious. I printed
them in the papers, and they gave great satisfaction to the publick.

As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two friends; and because
I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took half of what
each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; paid
off the company's debts, and went on with the business in my own name,
advertising that the partnership was dissolved. I think this was in
or about the year 1729.

About this time there was a cry among the people for more paper money,
only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that
soon to be sunk. The wealthy inhabitants oppos'd any addition, being
against all paper currency, from an apprehension that it would depreciate,
as it had done in New England, to the prejudice of all creditors.
We had discuss'd this point in our Junto, where I was on the side
of an addition, being persuaded that the first small sum struck in
1723 had done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and number
of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all the old houses
inhabited, and many new ones building; whereas I remembered well,
that when I first walk'd about the streets of Philadelphia, eating
my roll, I saw most of the houses in Walnut-street, between Second
and Front streets, with bills on their doors, {}``To be let''; and
many likewise in Chestnut-street and other streets, which made me
then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after
another.

Our debates possess'd me so fully of the subject, that I wrote and
printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled {}``The Nature and
Necessity of a Paper Currency.'' It was well receiv'd by the common
people in general; but the rich men dislik'd it, for it increas'd
and strengthen'd the clamor for more money, and they happening to
have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their opposition
slacken'd, and the point was carried by a majority in the House. My
friends there, who conceiv'd I had been of some service, thought fit
to reward me by employing me in printing the money; a very profitable
jobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage gain'd by
my being able to write.

The utility of this currency became by time and experience so evident
as never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it grew soon to fifty-five
thousand pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which
it arose during war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand
pounds, trade, building, and inhabitants all the while increasing,
till I now think there are limits beyond which the quantity may be
hurtful.

I soon after obtain'd, thro' my friend Hamilton, the printing of the
Newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as I then thought it;
small things appearing great to those in small circumstances; and
these, to me, were really great advantages, as they were great encouragements.
He procured for me, also, the printing of the laws and votes of that
government, which continu'd in my hands as long as I follow'd the
business.

I now open'd a little stationer's shop. I had in it blanks of all
sorts, the correctest that ever appear'd among us, being assisted
in that by my friend Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment, chapmen's
books, \textit{etc}. One Whitemash, a compositor I had known in London,
an excellent workman, now came to me, and work'd with me constantly
and diligently; and I took an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose.

I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under for the printing-house.
In order to secure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took
care not only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid
all appearances to the contrary. I drest plainly; I was seen at no
places of idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting;
a book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my work, but that was
seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to show that I was not above
my business, I sometimes brought home the paper I purchas'd at the
stores thro' the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an
industrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for what I bought,
the merchants who imported stationery solicited my custom; others
proposed supplying me with books, and I went on swimmingly. In the
mean time, Keimer's credit and business declining daily, he was at
last forc'd to sell his printing house to satisfy his creditors. He
went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years in very poor circumstances.

His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while I work'd
with him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having bought his materials.
I was at first apprehensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends
were very able, and had a good deal of interest. I therefore propos'd
a partnership to him which he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn.
He was very proud, dress'd like a gentleman, liv'd expensively, took
much diversion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his
business; upon which, all business left him; and, finding nothing
to do, he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, taking the printing-house
with him. There this apprentice employ'd his former master as a journeyman;
they quarrel'd often; Harry went continually behindhand, and at length
was forc'd to sell his types and return to his country work in Pensilvania.
The person that bought them employ'd Keimer to use them, but in a
few years he died.

There remained now no competitor with me at Philadelphia but the old
one, Bradford; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and
then by straggling hands, but was not very anxious about the business.
However, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he had better
opportunities of obtaining news; his paper was thought a better distributer
of advertisements than mine, and therefore had many, more, which was
a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho' I did
indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the publick opinion
was otherwise, for what I did send was by bribing the riders, who
took them privately, Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which
occasion'd some resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of
him for it, that, when I afterward came into his situation, I took
care never to imitate it.

I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey, who lived in part
of my house with his wife and children, and had one side of the shop
for his glazier's business, tho' he worked little, being always absorbed
in his mathematics. Mrs.\ Godfrey projected a match for me with a
relation's daughter, took opportunities of bringing us often together,
till a serious courtship on my part ensu'd, the girl being in herself
very deserving. The old folks encourag'd me by continual invitations
to supper, and by leaving us together, till at length it was time
to explain. Mrs.\ Godfrey manag'd our little treaty. I let her know
that I expected as much money with their daughter as would pay off
my remaining debt for the printing-house, which I believe was not
then above a hundred pounds. She brought me word they had no such
sum to spare; I said they might mortgage their house in the loan-office.
The answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not approve
the match; that, on inquiry of Bradford, they had been inform'd the
printing business was not a profitable one; the types would soon be
worn out, and more wanted; that S.\ Keimer and D.\ Harry had failed
one after the other, and I should probably soon follow them; and,
therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daughter shut up.

Whether this was a real change of sentiment or only artifice, on a
supposition of our being too far engaged in affection to retract,
and therefore that we should steal a marriage, which would leave them
at liberty to give or withhold what they pleas'd, I know not; but
I suspected the latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs.\ Godfrey
brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of their disposition,
and would have drawn me on again; but I declared absolutely my resolution
to have nothing more to do with that family. This was resented by
the Godfreys; we differ'd, and they removed, leaving me the whole
house, and I resolved to take no more inmates.

But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I look'd round
me and made overtures of acquaintance in other places; but soon found
that, the business of a printer being generally thought a poor one,
I was not to expect money with a wife, unless with such a one as I
should not otherwise think agreeable. In the mean time, that hard-to-be-governed
passion of youth hurried me frequently into intrigues with low women
that fell in my way, which were attended with some expense and great
inconvenience, besides a continual \textit{\emph{risque}} to my health
by a distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great good
luck I escaped it. A friendly correspondence as neighbors and old
acquaintances had continued between me and Mrs.\ Read's family, who
all had a regard for me from the time of my first lodging in their
house. I was often invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein
I sometimes was of service. I piti'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate
situation, who was generally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided
company. I considered my giddiness and inconstancy when in London
as in a great degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho' the mother
was good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she
had prevented our marrying before I went thither, and persuaded the
other match in my absence. Our mutual affection was revived, but there
were now great objections to our union. The match was indeed looked
upon as invalid, a preceding wife being said to be living in England;
but this could not easily be prov'd, because of the distance; and,
tho' there was a report of his death, it was not certain. Then, tho'
it should be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might
be call'd upon to pay. We ventured, however, over all these difficulties,
and I took her to wife, September 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences
happened that we had apprehended, she proved a good and faithful helpmate,
assisted me much by attending the shop; we throve together, and have
ever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. Thus I corrected
that great erratum as well as I could.

About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a little
room of Mr.\ Grace's, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was
made by me, that, since our books were often referr'd to in our disquisitions
upon the queries, it might be convenient to us to have them altogether
where we met, that upon occasion they might be consulted; and by thus
clubbing our books to a common library, we should, while we lik'd
to keep them together, have each of us the advantage of using the
books of all the other members, which would be nearly as beneficial
as if each owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we fill'd
one end of the room with such books as we could best spare. The number
was not so great as we expected; and tho' they had been of great use,
yet some inconveniences occurring for want of due care of them, the
collection, after about a year, was separated, and each took his books
home again

And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature, that for
a subscription library. I drew up the proposals, got them put into
form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends
in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to
begin with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our
company was to continue. We afterwards obtain'd a charter, the company
being increased to one hundred: this was the mother of all the North
American subscription libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great
thing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries have improved
the general conversation of the Americans, made the common tradesmen
and farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other countries,
and perhaps have contributed in some degree to the stand so generally
made throughout the colonies in defense of their privileges.

Memo. Thus far was written with the intention express'd in the beginning
and therefore contains several little family anecdotes of no importance
to others. What follows was written many years after in compliance
with the advice contain'd in these letters, and accordingly intended
for the public. The affairs of the Revolution occasion'd the interruption.


\chapter*{Part II}

\addcontentsline{toc}{chapter}{Part II}

\markboth{Franklin's Autobiography}{Part II}


\subsection*{\textmd{Letter from Mr.\ Abel James, with Notes of my Life, (received
in Paris).}}

\emph{\noun{{}``}}\textit{\emph{\noun{My}}} \emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{Dear}}}
\emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{and}}} \emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{Honored}}}
\emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{Friend}}}: 

{}``I have often been desirous of writing to thee, but could not
be reconciled to the thought that the letter might fall into the hands
of the British, lest some printer or busy-body should publish some
part of the contents, and give our friend pain, and myself censure.

{}``Some time since there fell into my hands, to my great joy, about
twenty-three sheets in thy own handwriting, containing an account
of the parentage and life of thyself, directed to thy son, ending
in the year 1730, with which there were notes, likewise in thy writing;
a copy of which I inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if thou continued
it up to a later period, that the first and latter part may be put
together; and if it is not yet continued, I hope thee will not delay
it. Life is uncertain, as the preacher tells us; and what will the
world say if kind, humane, and benevolent Ben.\ Franklin should leave
his friends and the world deprived of so pleasing and profitable a
work; a work which would be useful and entertaining not only to a
few, but to millions? The influence writings under that class have
on the minds of youth is very great, and has nowhere appeared to me
so plain, as in our public friend's journals. It almost insensibly
leads the youth into the resolution of endeavoring to become as good
and eminent as the journalist. Should thine, for instance, when published
(and I think it could not fail of it), lead the youth to equal the
industry and temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that
class would such a work be! I know of no character living, nor many
of them put together, who has so much in his power as thyself to promote
a greater spirit of industry and early attention to business, frugality,
and temperance with the American youth. Not that I think the work
would have no other merit and use in the world, far from it; but the
first is of such vast importance that I know nothing that can equal
it.''

The foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying it being shown to
a friend, I received from him the following:


\subsection*{\textmd{Letter from Mr.\ Benjamin Vaughan.}}

\hspace{\stretch{1}}{}``\textit{\emph{\noun{Paris}}}\noun{,
January 31, 1783.}

\noindent \noun{{}``My} \textit{\emph{\noun{dearest}}} \noun{}\textit{\emph{\noun{Sir}}}: 

{}``When I had read over your sheets of minutes of the principal
incidents of your life, recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance,
I told you I would send you a letter expressing my reasons why I thought
it would be useful to complete and publish it as he desired. Various
concerns have for some time past prevented this letter being written,
and I do not know whether it was worth any expectation; happening
to be at leisure, however, at present, I shall by writing, at least
interest and instruct myself; but as the terms I am inclined to use
may tend to offend a person of your manners, I shall only tell you
how I would address any other person, who was as good and as great
as yourself, but less diffident. I would say to him, Sir, I solicit
the history of your life from the following motives: Your history
is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, somebody else will certainly
give it; and perhaps so as nearly to do as much harm, as your own
management of the thing might do good. It will moreover present a
table of the internal circumstances of your country, which will very
much tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and manly minds. And
considering the eagerness with which such information is sought by
them, and the extent of your reputation, I do not know of a more efficacious
advertisement than your biography would give. All that has happened
to you is also connected with the detail of the manners and situation
of a rising people; and in this respect I do not think that the writings
of C\ae{}sar and Tacitus can be more interesting to a true judge
of human nature and society. But these, sir, are small reasons, in
my opinion, compared with the chance which your life will give for
the forming of future great men; and in conjunction with your \emph{Art
of Virtue} (which you design to publish) of improving the features
of private character, and consequently of aiding all happiness, both
public and domestic. The two works I allude to, sir, will in particular
give a noble rule and example of self-education. School and other
education constantly proceed upon false principles, and show a clumsy
apparatus pointed at a false mark; but your apparatus is simple, and
the mark a true one; and while parents and young persons are left
destitute of other just means of estimating and becoming prepared
for a reasonable course in life, your discovery that the thing is
in many a man's private power, will be invaluable! Influence upon
the private character, late in life, is not only an influence late
in life, but a weak influence. It is in youth that we plant our chief
habits and prejudices; it is in youth that we take our party as to
profession, pursuits and matrimony. In youth, therefore, the turn
is given; in youth the education even of the next generation is given;
in youth the private and public character is determined; and the term
of life extending but from youth to age, life ought to begin well
from youth, and more especially before we take our party as to our
principal objects. But your biography will not merely teach self-education,
but the education of a wise man; and the wisest man will receive lights
and improve his progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of another
wise man. And why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps, when
we see our race has been blundering on in the dark, almost without
a guide in this particular, from the farthest trace of time? Show
then, sir, how much is to be done, both to sons and fathers; and invite
all wise men to become like yourself, and other men to become wise.
When we see how cruel statesmen and warriors can be to the human race,
and how absurd distinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it
will be instructive to observe the instances multiply of pacific,
acquiescing manners; and to find how compatible it is to be great
and domestic, enviable and yet good-humored.

{}``The little private incidents which you will also have to relate,
will have considerable use, as we want, above all things, rules of
prudence in ordinary affairs; and it will be curious to see how you
have acted in these. It will be so far a sort of key to life, and
explain many things that all men ought to have once explained to them,
to give, them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. The nearest
thing to having experience of one's own, is to have other people's
affairs brought before us in a shape that is interesting; this is
sure to happen from your pen; our affairs and management will have
an air of simplicity or importance that will not fail to strike; and
I am convinced you have conducted them with as much originality as
if you had been conducting discussions in politics or philosophy;
and what more worthy of experiments and system (its importance and
its errors considered) than human life?

{}``Some men have been virtuous blindly, others have speculated fantastically,
and others have been shrewd to bad purposes; but you, sir, I am sure,
will give under your hand, nothing but what is at the same moment,
wise, practical and good, your account of yourself (for I suppose
the parallel I am drawing for Dr.\ Franklin, will hold not only in
point of character, but of private history) will show that you are
ashamed of no origin; a thing the more important, as you prove how
little necessary all origin is to happiness, virtue, or greatness.
As no end likewise happens without a means, so we shall find, sir,
that even you yourself framed a plan by which you became considerable;
but at the same time we may see that though the event is flattering,
the means are as simple as wisdom could make them; that is, depending
upon nature, virtue, thought and habit. Another thing demonstrated
will be the propriety of everyman's waiting for his time for appearing
upon the stage of the world. Our sensations being very much fixed
to the moment, we are apt to forget that more moments are to follow
the first, and consequently that man should arrange his conduct so
as to suit the whole of a life. Your attribution appears to have been
applied to your life, and the passing moments of it have been enlivened
with content and enjoyment instead of being tormented with foolish
impatience or regrets. Such a conduct is easy for those who make virtue
and themselves in countenance by examples of other truly great men,
of whom patience is so often the characteristic. Your Quaker correspondent,
sir (for here again I will suppose the subject of my letter resembling
Dr.\ Franklin), praised your frugality, diligence and temperance,
which he considered as a pattern for all youth; but it is singular
that he should have forgotten your modesty and your disinterestedness,
without which you never could have waited for your advancement, or
found your situation in the mean time comfortable; which is a strong
lesson to show the poverty of glory and the importance of regulating
our minds. If this correspondent had known the nature of your reputation
as well as I do, he would have said, Your former writings and measures
would secure attention to your Biography, and \emph{Art of Virtue};
and your Biography and \emph{Art of Virtue}, in return, would secure
attention to them. This is an advantage attendant upon a various character,
and which brings all that belongs to it into greater play; and it
is the more useful, as perhaps more persons are at a loss for the
means of improving their minds and characters, than they are for the
time or the inclination to do it. But there is one concluding reflection,
sir, that will shew the use of your life as a mere piece of biography.
This style of writing seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it
is a very useful one; and your specimen of it may be particularly
serviceable, as it will make a subject of comparison with the lives
of various public cutthroats and intriguers, and with absurd monastic
self-tormentors or vain literary triflers. If it encourages more writings
of the same kind with your own, and induces more men to spend lives
fit to be written, it will be worth all Plutarch's \emph{Lives} put
together. But being tired of figuring to myself a character of which
every feature suits only one man in the world, without giving him
the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear Dr.\ Franklin, with
a personal application to your proper self. I am earnestly desirous,
then, my dear sir, that you should let the world into the traits of
your genuine character, as civil broils nay otherwise tend to disguise
or traduce it. Considering your great age, the caution of your character,
and your peculiar style of thinking, it is not likely that any one
besides yourself can be sufficiently master of the facts of your life,
or the intentions of your mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution
of the present period, will necessarily turn our attention towards
the author of it, and when virtuous principles have been pretended
in it, it will be highly important to shew that such have really influenced;
and, as your own character will be the principal one to receive a
scrutiny, it is proper (even for its effects upon your vast and rising
country, as well as upon England and upon Europe) that it should stand
respectable and eternal. For the furtherance of human happiness, I
have always maintained that it is necessary to prove that man is not
even at present a vicious and detestable animal; and still more to
prove that good management may greatly amend him; and it is for much
the same reason, that I am anxious to see the opinion established,
that there are fair characters existing among the individuals of the
race; for the moment that all men, without exception, shall be conceived
abandoned, good people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and
perhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of life, or at
least of making it comfortable principally for themselves. Take then,
my dear sir, this work most speedily into hand: shew yourself good
as you are good; temperate as you are temperate; and above all things,
prove yourself as one, who from your infancy have loved justice, liberty
and concord, in a way that has made it natural and consistent for
you to have acted, as we have seen you act in the last seventeen years
of your life. Let Englishmen be made not only to respect, but even
to love you. When they think well of individuals in your native country,
they will go nearer to thinking well of your country; and when your
countrymen see themselves well thought of by Englishmen, they will
go nearer to thinking well of England. Extend your views even further;
do not stop at those who speak the English tongue, but after having
settled so many points in nature and politics, think of bettering
the whole race of men. As I have not read any part of the life in
question, but know only the character that lived it, I write somewhat
at hazard. I am sure, however, that the life and the treatise I allude
to (on the \emph{Art of Virtue}) will necessarily fulfil the chief
of my expectations; and still more so if you take up the measure of
suiting these performances to the several views above stated. Should
they even prove unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of yours
hopes from them, you will at least have framed pieces to interest
the human mind; and whoever gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent
to man, has added so much to the fair side of a life otherwise too
much darkened by anxiety and too much injured by pain. In the hope,
therefore, that you will listen to the prayer addressed to you in
this letter, I beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, \textit{etc}.,
\textit{etc}.,

\hspace{\stretch{1}}{}``Signed, \noun{Benj}\emph{\noun{.}}\textit{\emph{\noun{\ Vaughan}}}.''


\subsection*{\textmd{Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at Passy, near
Paris, 1784.}}

It is some time since I receiv'd the above letters, but I have been
too busy till now to think of complying with the request they contain.
It might, too, be much better done if I were at home among my papers,
which would aid my memory, and help to ascertain dates; but my return
being uncertain and having just now a little leisure, I will endeavor
to recollect and write what I can; if I live to get home, it may there
be corrected and improv'd.

Not having any copy here of what is already written, I know not whether
an account is given of the means I used to establish the Philadelphia
public library, which, from a small beginning, is now become so considerable,
though I remember to have come down to near the time of that transaction
(1730). I will therefore begin here with an account of it, which may
be struck out if found to have been already given.

At the time I establish'd myself in Pennsylvania, there was not a
good bookseller's shop in any of the colonies to the southward of
Boston. In New York and Philad'a the printers were indeed stationers;
they sold only paper, \textit{etc}., almanacs, ballads, and a few
common school-books. Those who lov'd reading were oblig'd to send
for their books from England; the members of the Junto had each a
few. We had left the alehouse, where we first met, and hired a room
to hold our club in. I propos'd that we should all of us bring our
books to that room, where they would not only be ready to consult
in our conferences, but become a common benefit, each of us being
at liberty to borrow such as he wish'd to read at home. This was accordingly
done, and for some time contented us.

Finding the advantage of this little collection, I propos'd to render
the benefit from books more common, by commencing a public subscription
library. I drew a sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary,
and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr.\ Charles Brockden, to put the
whole in form of articles of agreement to be subscribed, by which
each subscriber engag'd to pay a certain sum down for the first purchase
of books, and an annual contribution for increasing them. So few were
the readers at that time in Philadelphia, and the majority of us so
poor, that I was not able, with great industry, to find more than
fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, willing to pay down for this
purpose forty shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. On this
little fund we began. The books were imported; the library was opened
one day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on their promissory
notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. The institution
soon manifested its utility, was imitated by other towns, and in other
provinces. The libraries were augmented by donations; reading became
fashionable; and our people, having no publick amusements to divert
their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and
in a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better instructed
and more intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in
other countries.

When we were about to sign the above-mentioned articles, which were
to be binding upon us, our heirs, \textit{etc}., for fifty years,
Mr.\ Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, {}``You are young men,
but it is scarcely probable that any of you will live to see the expiration
of the term fix'd in the instrument.'' A number of us, however, are
yet living; but the instrument was after a few years rendered null
by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company.

The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting the subscriptions,
made me soon feel the impropriety of presenting one's self as the
proposer of any useful project, that might be suppos'd to raise one's
reputation in the smallest degree above that of one's neighbors, when
one has need of their assistance to accomplish that project. I therefore
put myself as much as I could out of sight, and stated it as a scheme
of a number of friends, who had requested me to go about and propose
it to such as they thought lovers of reading. In this way my affair
went on more smoothly, and I ever after practis'd it on such occasions;
and, from my frequent successes, can heartily recommend it. The present
little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be amply repaid. If
it remains a while uncertain to whom the merit belongs, some one more
vain than yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and then even envy
will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those assumed feathers,
and restoring them to their right owner.

This library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study,
for which I set apart an hour or two each day, and thus repair'd in
some degree the loss of the learned education my father once intended
for me. Reading was the only amusement I allow'd myself. I spent no
time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind; and my industry in
my business continu'd as indefatigable as it was necessary. I was
indebted for my printing-house; I had a young family coming on to
be educated, and I had to contend with for business two printers,
who were established in the place before me. My circumstances, however,
grew daily easier. My original habits of frugality continuing, and
my father having, among his instructions to me when a boy, frequently
repeated a proverb of Solomon, {}``Seest thou a man diligent in his
calling, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before mean
men,'' I from thence considered industry as a means of obtaining
wealth and distinction, which encourag'd me, tho' I did not think
that I should ever literally stand before kings, which, however, has
since happened; for I have stood before five, and even had the honor
of sitting down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner.

We have an English proverb that says, {}``He that would thrive, must
ask his wife.'' It was lucky for me that I had one as much dispos'd
to industry and frugality as myself. She assisted me cheerfully in
my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing
old linen rags for the papermakers, \textit{etc}., \textit{etc}. We
kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture
of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time bread
and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer,
with a pewter spoon. But mark how luxury will enter families, and
make a progress, in spite of principle: being call'd one morning to
breakfast, I found it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver! They
had been bought for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost
her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for which she
had no other excuse or apology to make, but that she thought her husband
deserv'd a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of his neighbors.
This was the first appearance of plate and China in our house, which
afterward, in a course of years, as our wealth increas'd, augmented
gradually to several hundred pounds in value.

I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho' some of
the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees of God,
election, reprobation, \textit{etc}., appeared to me unintelligible,
others doubtful, and I early absented myself from the public assemblies
of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never was without some
religious principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence
of the Deity; that he made the world, and govern'd it by his Providence;
that the most acceptable service of God was the doing good to man;
that our souls are immortal; and that all crime will be punished,
and virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. These I esteem'd the
essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all the religions
we had in our country, I respected them all, tho' with different degrees
of respect, as I found them more or less mix'd with other articles,
which, without any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality,
serv'd principally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another.
This respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good
effects, induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen
the good opinion another might have of his own religion; and as our
province increas'd in people, and new places of worship were continually
wanted, and generally erected by voluntary contributions, my mite
for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused.

Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an opinion
of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and I
regularly paid my annual subscription for the support of the only
Presbyterian minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He us'd to
visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his administrations,
and I was now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for five Sundays
successively. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I
might have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday's
leisure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly either
polemic arguments, or \textit{\emph{explications}} of the peculiar
doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting,
and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was inculcated
or enforc'd, their aim seeming to be rather to make us Presbyterians
than good citizens.

At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of
Philippians, {}``Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest,
just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or
any praise, think on these things.'' And I imagin'd, in a sermon
on such a text, we could not miss of having some morality. But he
confin'd himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle, \textit{viz}.:
1. Keeping holy the Sabbath day.\  2. Being diligent in reading the
holy Scriptures.\  3. Attending duly the publick worship.\  4. Partaking
of the Sacrament.\  5. Paying a due respect to God's ministers. These
might be all good things; but, as they were not the kind of good things
that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them
from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more.
I had some years before compos'd a little Liturgy, or form of prayer,
for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled, \emph{Articles of
Belief and Acts of Religion}. I return'd to the use of this, and went
no more to the public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but
I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it; my present purpose
being to relate facts, and not to make apologies for them.

It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and arduous project of
arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to live without committing
any fault at any time; I would conquer all that either natural inclination,
custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew,
what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do
the one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task
of more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employ'd
in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another; habit
took the advantage of inattention; inclination was sometimes too strong
for reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction
that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient
to prevent our slipping; and that the contrary habits must be broken,
and good ones acquired and established, before we can have any dependence
on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore
contrived the following method.

In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in
my reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different
writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance,
for example, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by
others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure,
appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice
and ambition. I propos'd to myself, for the sake of clearness, to
use rather more names, with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few
names with more ideas; and I included under thirteen names of virtues
all that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and
annexed to each a short precept, which fully express'd the extent
I gave to its meaning.

These names of virtues, with their precepts, were:

\begin{enumerate}
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Temperance}}}. Eat not to dullness; drink not
to elevation.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Silence}}}. Speak not but what may benefit others
or yourself; avoid trifling conversation.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Order}}}. Let all your things have their places;
let each part of your business have its time.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Resolution}}}. Resolve to perform what you ought;
perform without fail what you resolve.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Frugality}}}. Make no expense but to do good
to others or yourself; \textit{i.e}., waste nothing.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Industry}}}. Lose no time; be always employ'd
in something useful; cut off all unnecessary actions.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Sincerity}}}. Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently
and justly, and, if you speak, speak accordingly.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Justice}}}. Wrong none by doing injuries, or
omitting the benefits that are your duty.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Moderation}}}. Avoid extreams; forbear resenting
injuries so much as you think they deserve.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Cleanliness}}}. Tolerate no uncleanliness in
body, cloaths, or habitation.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Tranquillity}}}. Be not disturbed at trifles,
or at accidents common or unavoidable.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Chastity}}}. Rarely use venery but for health
or offspring, never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own
or another's peace or reputation.
\item \textit{\emph{\noun{Humility}}}. Imitate Jesus and Socrates.
\end{enumerate}
My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues, I
judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting
the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when
I should be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on,
till I should have gone thro' the thirteen; and, as the previous acquisition
of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I arrang'd
them with that view, as they stand above. Temperance first, as it
tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so
necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained
against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force
of perpetual temptations. This being acquir'd and establish'd, Silence
would be more easy; and my desire being to gain knowledge at the same
time that I improv'd in virtue, and considering that in conversation
it was obtain'd rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue,
and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling,
punning, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company,
I gave Silence the second place. This and the next, Order, I expected
would allow me more time for attending to my project and my studies.
Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavors
to obtain all the subsequent virtues; Frugality and Industry freeing
me from my remaining debt, and producing affluence and independence,
would make more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, \textit{etc}.,
\textit{etc}. Conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras
in his Golden Verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived
the following method for conducting that examination.

I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of the virtues.
I rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, one for
each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the day.
I cross'd these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the beginning
of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on which
line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black spot,
every fault I found upon examination to have been committed respecting
that virtue upon that day.

Form of the pages.

\begin{center} \begin{tabular}{l|c|c|c|c|c|c|c|}

\cline{2-8}

\  & \multicolumn{7}{|c|}{\sc Temperance} \\

\cline{2-8}

\  & \multicolumn{7}{|c|}{\textit{Eat not to Dulness}} \\

\  & \multicolumn{7}{|c|}{\textit{Drink not to Elevation}} \\

\cline{2-8}

\  & S & M & T & W & T & F & S \\

\cline{2-8}

T & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  \\

\cline{2-8}

S & $\bullet$ $\bullet$ & $\bullet$ & \  & $\bullet$ & \  & $\bullet$ & \  \\

\cline{2-8}

O & $\bullet$ & $\bullet$ & $\bullet$ & \  & $\bullet$ & $\bullet$ & $\bullet$ \\

\cline{2-8}

R & \  & \  & $\bullet$ & \  & \  & $\bullet$ & \   \\

\cline{2-8}

F & \  & $\bullet$ & \  & \  & $\bullet$ & \  & \  \\

\cline{2-8}

I & \  & \  & $\bullet$ & \  & \  & \  & \  \\

\cline{2-8}

S & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \    \\

\cline{2-8}

J & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \    \\

\cline{2-8}

M & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \    \\

\cline{2-8}

Cl & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \    \\

\cline{2-8}

T & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \    \\

\cline{2-8}

Ch & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \    \\

\cline{2-8}

H & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \  & \    \\

\cline{2-8}

\end{tabular} \end{center}

I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues
successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid
every the least offence against Temperance, leaving the other virtues
to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults of
the day. Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, marked
T, clear of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so much strengthen'd
and its opposite weaken'd, that I might venture extending my attention
to include the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear
of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro' a course compleat
in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having
a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs
at once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works
on one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplish'd the first,
proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure
of seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue, by clearing successively
my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses,
I should he happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks'
daily examination.

This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison's Cato:

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize \ \\

\mbox{``Here will I hold. If there's a power above us}\\*

\mbox{(And that there is all nature cries aloud}\\*

\mbox{Thro' all her works), He must delight in virtue;}\\*

\mbox{And that which he delights in must be happy.''}\\

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

Another from Cicero,

\begin{quote} 

``\textit{O vitae Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et ex praeceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus.}''

\end{quote}

Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue:

\begin{quote} 

``Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace.'' III.\ 16, 17.

\end{quote}

And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right
and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this
end I formed the following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my
tables of examination, for daily use.

\begin{quote} 

``O powerful Goodness!\ bountiful Father!\ merciful Guide!\ increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual favors to me.''

\end{quote}

I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson's
Poems, \textit{viz}.:

\begin{flushleft} \footnotesize \ \\

\mbox{``Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme!}\\*

\mbox{O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself!}\\*

Save me from folly, vanity, and vice,\\*

From every low pursuit; and fill my soul\\*

\mbox{With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure;}\\*

Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!''\\

\end{flushleft}

The precept of Order requiring that every part of my business should
have its allotted time, one page in my little book contain'd the following
scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day:

\begin{center} \scriptsize \begin{tabular}{@{}|l|c|l|}

\hline

The & 5 & Rise, wash, \& address \textit{Powerful Goodness}; contrive \\

\cline{2-2}

Morning & 6 & Day's Business \& take the resolution of the Day; \\

\cline{2-2}

Question, & 7 & prosecute the present Study; \& breakfast?--- \\

\cline{2-2}

What Good & 8 & Work.--- \\

\cline{2-2}

shall I do & 9 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

this Day? & 10 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 11 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 12 & Read, or overlook my \textit{Accounts}, and dine. \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 1 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 2 & Work.--- \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 3 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 4 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 5 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 6 & Put things in their Places, Supper, Musick, \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 7 & or Diversion, or Conversation, Examination  \\

\cline{2-2}

Evening & 8 & of the Day. \\

\cline{2-2}

Question, & 9 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

What Good & 10 & Sleep.--- \\

\cline{2-2}

have I done & 11 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

to day? & 12 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 1 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 2 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 3 & \  \\

\cline{2-2}

\  & 4 & \  \\

\hline

\end{tabular} \end{center}

I enter'd upon the execution of this plan for self-examination, and
continu'd it with occasional intermissions for some time. I was surpris'd
to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined; but I
had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble
of renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the
marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new
course, became full of holes, I transferr'd my tables and precepts
to the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were
drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines
I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could easily
wipe out with a wet sponge. After a while I went thro' one course
only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length
I omitted them entirely, being employ'd in voyages and business abroad,
with a multiplicity of affairs that interfered; but I always carried
my little book with me.

My scheme of \textit{order} gave me the most trouble; and I found
that, tho' it might be practicable where a man's business was such
as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman
printer, for instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed
by a master, who must mix with the world, and often receive people
of business at their own hours. Order, too, with regard to places
for things, papers, \textit{etc}., I found extreamly difficult to
acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding
good memory, I was not so sensible of the inconvenience attending
want of method. This article, therefore, cost me so much painful attention,
and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little progress
in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready
to give up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty character
in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my
neighbour, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the
edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn
the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd the broad face of the
ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very
fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how
the work went on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without
farther grinding. {}``No,'' said the smith, {}``turn on, turn on;
we shall have it bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only speckled.''
{}``Yes,'' said the man, {}``but I think I like a speckled ax best.''
And I believe this may have been the case with many, who, having,
for want of some such means as I employ'd, found the difficulty of
obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and
virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that {}``a speckled
ax was best''; for something, that pretended to be reason, was every
now and then suggesting to me that such extream nicety as I exacted
of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were
known, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect character might be
attended with the inconvenience of being envied and hated; and that
a benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself, to keep his
friends in countenance.

In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now
I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of
it. But, on the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection I had
been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was,
by the endeavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should
have been if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at perfect writing
by imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for
excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor,
and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible.

It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little
artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the constant
felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written.
What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence;
but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy'd ought
to help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes
his long-continued health, and what is still left to him of a good
constitution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his
circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge
that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some
degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice,
the confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred
upon him; and to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues,
even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that
evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes
his company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance.
I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example
and reap the benefit.

It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly without religion,
there was in it no mark of any of the distingishing tenets of any
particular sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being fully persuaded
of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable
to people in all religions, and intending some time or other to publish
it, I would not have any thing in it that should prejudice any one,
of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a little comment on each
virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it,
and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and I should have called
my book \textit{The} \textit{Art} \textit{of} \textit{Virtue},%
\footnote{Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as virtue. \mbox{---}{[}Marg.\ note.{]}%
} because it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue,
which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be
good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the
apostle's man of verbal charity, who only without showing to the naked
and hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted
them to be fed and clothed.\mbox{---}James ii.\ 15, 16.

But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this
comment was never fulfilled. I did, indeed, from time to time, put
down short hints of the sentiments, reasonings, \textit{etc}., to
be made use of in it, some of which I have still by me; but the necessary
close attention to private business in the earlier part of thy life,
and public business since, have occasioned my postponing it; for,
it being connected in my mind with a great and extensive project,
that required the whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen succession
of employs prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remain'd unfinish'd.

In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine,
that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but
forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered;
that it was, therefore, every one's interest to be virtuous who wish'd
to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this circumstance
(there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility,
states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the management
of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavored to convince
young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man's
fortune as those of probity and integrity.

My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend
having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud; that
my pride show'd itself frequently in conversation; that I was not
content with being in the right when discussing any point, but was
overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinc'd me by mentioning
several instances; I determined endeavouring to cure myself, if I
could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and I added Humility
to my list, giving an extensive meaning to the word.

I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this virtue,
but I had a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. I made
it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of
others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself,
agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or expression
in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, such as certainly,
undoubtedly, \textit{etc}., and I adopted, instead of them, I conceive,
I apprehend, or I imagine a thing to be so or so; or it so appears
to me at present. When another asserted something that I thought an
error, I deny'd myself the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly,
and of showing immediately some absurdity in his proposition; and
in answering I began by observing that in certain cases or circumstances
his opinion would be right, but in the present case there appear'd
or seem'd to me some difference, \textit{etc}. I soon found the advantage
of this change in my manner; the conversations I engag'd in went on
more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos'd my opinions procur'd
them a readier reception and less contradiction; I had less mortification
when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevail'd with
others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened
to be in the right.

And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural
inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that
perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical
expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of integrity)
I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight with
my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or alterations
in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became
a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to
much hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language,
and yet I generally carried my points.

In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard
to subdue as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle
it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will
every now and then peep out and show itself; you will see it, perhaps,
often in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I had compleatly
overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility.

\begin{center}{[}Thus far written at Passy, 1741.{]}\end{center}


\chapter*{Part III}

\addcontentsline{toc}{chapter}{Part III}

\markboth{Franklin's Autobiography}{Part III}

{[}{}``I am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but can not
have the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in
the war. I have, however, found the following.''{]}%
\footnote{This is a marginal memorandum.\mbox{---}B.%
}

\textit{\emph{Having}} mentioned a great and extensive project which
I had conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should be here
given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears
in the following little paper, accidentally preserv'd, \textit{viz}.:

\noun{Observations} on my reading history, in Library, May 19th,
1731.

{}``That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, \textit{etc}.,
are carried on and affected by parties.

{}``That the view of these parties is their present general interest,
or what they take to be such.

{}``That the different views of these different parties occasion
all confusion.

{}``That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man
has his particular private interest in view.

{}``That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each member
becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting others,
breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion.

{}``That few in public affairs act from a meer view of the good of
their country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their actings
bring real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that
their own and their country's interest was united, and did not act
from a principle of benevolence.

{}``That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good
of mankind.

{}``There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising
a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of
all nations into a regular body, to be govern'd by suitable good and
wise rules, which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous
in their obedience to, than common people are to common laws.

{}``I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is
well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with
success.\mbox{---}B.\ F.''

Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter,
when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put
down from time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd
to me respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting
to be the substance of an intended creed, containing, as I thought,
the essentials of every known religion, and being free of every thing
that might shock the professors of any religion. It is express'd in
these words, \textit{viz}.:

{}``That there is one God, who made all things.

{}``That he governs the world by his providence.

{}``That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and thanksgiving.

{}``But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to
man.

{}``That the soul is immortal.

{}``And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice either
here or hereafter.''%
\footnote{In the Middle Ages, Franklin, if such a phenomenon as Franklin were
possible in the Middle Ages, would probably have been the founder
of a monastic order.\mbox{---}B.%
}

My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread
at first among young and single men only; that each person to be initiated
should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should have
exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and practice
of the virtues, as in the before-mention'd model; that the existence
of such a society should he kept a secret, till it was become considerable,
to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper persons, but
that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance
for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent caution,
the scheme should be gradually communicated; that the members should
engage to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other
in promoting one another's interests, business, and advancement in
life; that, for distinction, we should be call'd The Society of the
Free and Easy: free, as being, by the general practice and habit of
the virtues, free from the dominion of vice; and particularly by the
practice of industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes
a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to his creditors.

This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that
I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some
enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I
was under of sticking close to my business, occasion'd my postponing
the further prosecution of it at that time; and my multifarious occupations,
public and private, induc'd me to continue postponing, so that it
has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient
for such an enterprise; tho' I am still of opinion that it was a practicable
scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great number
of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd by the seeming magnitude
of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable
abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs among
mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements
or other employments that would divert his attention, makes the execution
of that same plan his sole study and business.

In 1732 I first publish'd my \emph{Almanack}, under the name of Richard
Saunders; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly
call'd \emph{Poor Richard's Almanac}. I endeavor'd to make it both
entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand,
that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten
thousand. And observing that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood
in the province being without it, I consider'd it as a proper vehicle
for conveying instruction among the common people, who bought scarcely
any other books; I therefore filled all the little spaces that occurr'd
between the remarkable days in the calendar with proverbial sentences,
chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as the means of
procuring wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being more difficult
for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one of
those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand up-right.

These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations,
I assembled and form'd into a connected discourse prefix'd to the
\emph{Almanack} of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the
people attending an auction. The bringing all these scatter'd counsels
thus into a focus enabled them to make greater impression. The piece,
being universally approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the
Continent; reprinted in Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in
houses; two translations were made of it in French, and great numbers
bought by the clergy and gentry, to distribute \emph{gratis} among
their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged
useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its
share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which
was observable for several years after its publication.

I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating
instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts
from the \emph{Spectator}, and other moral writers; and sometimes
publish'd little pieces of my own, which had been first compos'd for
reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to
prove that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man
could not properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial,
showing that virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude,
and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may
be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.

In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libelling
and personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to
our country. Whenever I was solicited to insert anything of that kind,
and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the
press, and that a newspaper was like a stagecoach, in which any one
who would pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would
print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as
many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would
not take upon me to spread his detraction; and that, having contracted
with my subscribers to furnish them with what might be either useful
or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation,
in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice.
Now, many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice
of individuals by false accusations of the fairest characters among
ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels; and
are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on
the government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our
best national allies, which may be attended with the most pernicious
consequences. These things I mention as a caution to young printers,
and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace
their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily,
as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct will not,
on the whole, be injurious to their interests.

In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South Carolina,
where a printer was wanting. I furnish'd him with a press and letters,
on an agreement of partnership, by which I was to receive one-third
of the profits of the business, paying one-third of the expense. He
was a man of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of account;
and, tho' he sometimes made me remittances, I could get no account
from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived.
On his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being
born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform'd, the knowledge
of accounts makes a part of female education, she not only sent me
as clear a state as she could find of the transactions past, but continued
to account with the greatest regularity and exactness every quarter
afterwards, and managed the business with such success, that she not
only brought up reputably a family of children, but, at the expiration
of the term, was able to purchase of me the printing-house, and establish
her son in it.

I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending that branch
of education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to
them and their children, in case of widowhood, than either music or
dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men,
and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house,
with establish'd correspondence, till a son is grown up fit to undertake
and go on with it, to the lasting advantage and enriching of the family.

About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a young Presbyterian
preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and apparently
extempore, most excellent discourses, which drew together considerable
numbers of different persuasion, who join'd in admiring them. Among
the rest, I became one of his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing
me, as they had little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly
the practice of virtue, or what in the religious stile are called
good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who considered themselves
as orthodox Presbyterians, disapprov'd his doctrine, and were join'd
by most of the old clergy, who arraign'd him of heterodoxy before
the synod, in order to have him silenc'd. I became his zealous partisan,
and contributed all I could to raise a party in his favour, and we
combated for him a while with some hopes of success. There was much
scribbling pro and con upon the occasion; and finding that, tho' an
elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer, I lent him my pen and
wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the \emph{Gazette}
of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial
writings, tho' eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue, and
I question whether a single copy of them now exists.

During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause exceedingly.
One of our adversaries having heard him preach a sermon that was much
admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least
a part of it. On search he found that part quoted at length, in one
of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr.\ Foster's. This detection
gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause,
and occasion'd our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck
by him, however, as I rather approv'd his giving us good sermons compos'd
by others, than bad ones of his own manufacture, tho' the latter was
the practice of our common teachers. He afterward acknowledg'd to
me that none of those he preach'd were his own; adding, that his memory
was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any sermon after one
reading only. On our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere of better
fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never joining it after, tho'
I continu'd many years my subscription for the support of its ministers.

I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much
a master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease.
I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning
it, us'd often to tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took
up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refus'd
to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every
game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the
grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, \textit{etc}., which
tasks the vanquish'd was to perform upon honour, before our next meeting.
As we play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that language.
I afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir'd as much of the Spanish
as to read their books also.

I have already mention'd that I had only one year's instruction in
a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected
that language entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance with
the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surpriz'd to find, on looking
over a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more of that language
than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to
the study of it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages
had greatly smooth'd my way.

From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some inconsistency
in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper
to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir'd that, it will
be more easy to attain those modern languages which are deriv'd from
it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to
acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and get to
the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily
gain them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest
you will with more ease ascend to the top; and I would therefore offer
it to the consideration of those who superintend the education of
our youth, whether, since many of those who begin with the Latin quit
the same after spending some years without having made any great proficiency,
and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time
has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the
French, proceeding to the Italian, \textit{etc}.; for, tho', after
spending the same time, they should quit the study of languages and
never arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have acquired another
tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be serviceable to
them in common life.

After ten years' absence from Boston, and having become easy in my
circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my relations, which
I could not sooner well afford. In returning, I call'd at Newport
to see my brother, then settled there with his printing-house. Our
former differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very cordial
and affectionate. He was fast declining in his health, and requested
of me that, in case of his death, which he apprehended not far distant,
I would take home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him
up to the printing business. This I accordingly perform'd, sending
him a few years to school before I took him into the office. His mother
carried on the business till he was grown up, when I assisted him
with an assortment of new types, those of his father being in a manner
worn out. Thus it was that I made my brother ample amends for the
service I had depriv'd him of by leaving him so early.

In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old, by the
small-pox, taken in the common way. I long regretted bitterly, and
still regret that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This I
mention for the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the supposition
that they should never forgive themselves if a child died under it;
my example showing that the regret may be the same either way, and
that, therefore, the safer should be chosen.

Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such satisfaction
to the members, that several were desirous of introducing their friends,
which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled
as a convenient number, \textit{viz}., twelve. We had from the beginning
made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty
well observ'd; the intention was to avoid applications of improper
persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult
to refuse. I was one of those who were against any addition to our
number, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal, that every
member separately should endeavor to form a subordinate club, with
the same rules respecting queries, \textit{etc}., and without informing
them of the connection with the Junto. The advantages proposed were,
the improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our institutions;
our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants
on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we
should desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate
club; the promotion of our particular interests in business by more
extensive recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public
affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading thro' the several
clubs the sentiments of the Junto.

The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form his club,
but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were compleated, which
were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band,
\textit{etc}. They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good
deal of amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering,
in some considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion
on particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course
of time as they happened.

My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of the General
Assembly. The choice was made that year without opposition; but the
year following, when I was again propos'd (the choice, like that of
the members, being annual), a new member made a long speech against
me, in order to favour some other candidate. I was, however, chosen,
which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the immediate
service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping
up an interest among the members, which secur'd to me the business
of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobbs
for the public, that, on the whole, were very profitable.

I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was
a gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely
to give him, in time, great influence in the House, which, indeed,
afterwards happened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favour
by paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time, took this
other method. Having heard that he had in his library a certain very
scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire
of perusing that book, and requesting he would do me the favour of
lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I return'd
it in about a week with another note, expressing strongly my sense
of the favour. When we next met in the House, he spoke to me (which
he had never done before), and with great civility; and he ever after
manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became
great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. This is
another instance of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which
says, {}``He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready
to do you another, than he whom you yourself have obliged.'' And
it shows how much more profitable it is prudently to remove, than
to resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings.

In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and then postmaster-general,
being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia,
respecting some negligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts,
took from him the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily,
and found it of great advantage; for, tho' the salary was small, it
facilitated the correspondence that improv'd my newspaper, increas'd
the number demanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted,
so that it came to afford me a considerable income. My old competitor's
newspaper declin'd proportionably, and I was satisfy'd without retaliating
his refusal, while postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by
the riders. Thus he suffer'd greatly from his neglect in due accounting;
and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be employ'd
in managing affairs for others, that they should always render accounts,
and make remittances, with great clearness and punctuality. The character
of observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all recommendations
to new employments and increase of business.

I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs, beginning,
however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the first things
that I conceiv'd to want regulation. It was managed by the constables
of the respective wards in turn; the constable warned a number of
housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to
attend paid him six shillings a year to be excus'd, which was suppos'd
to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than
was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place
of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins
about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose
to mix with. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and most
of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper, to be
read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more
particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the constables,
respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow
housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not
perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest
merchant, who had thousands of pounds worth of goods in his stores.

On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of
proper men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more equitable
way of supporting the charge the levying a tax that should be proportion'd
to the property. This idea, being approv'd by the Junto, was communicated
to the other clubs, but as arising in each of them; and though the
plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing
the minds of people for the change, it paved the way for the law obtained
a few years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more
influence.

About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it
was afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses
by which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and
means proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful
piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming
a company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual assistance
in removing and securing the goods when in danger. Associates in this
scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of
agreement oblig'd every member to keep always in good order, and fit
for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and
baskets (for packing and transporting of goods), which were to be
brought to every fire; and we agreed to meet once a month and spend
a social evening together, in discoursing and communicating such ideas
as occurred to us upon the subject of fires, as might be useful in
our conduct on such occasions.

The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring
to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were
advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went
on, one new company being formed after another, till they became so
numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property;
and now, at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of fifty years
since its establishment, that which I first formed, called the Union
Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes, tho' the first members
are all deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a year than I
am. The small fines that have been paid by members for absence at
the monthly meetings have been apply'd to the purchase of fire-engines,
ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for each company,
so that I question whether there is a city in the world better provided
with the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations; and,
in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost by fire
more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been
extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed.

In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr.\ Whitefield,
who had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant preacher. He
was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the
clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refus'd him their pulpits, and
he was oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects
and denominations that attended his sermons were enormous, and it
was matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe
the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and bow
much they admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse
of them, by assuring them that they were naturally half beasts and
half devils. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners
of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion,
it seem'd as if all the world were growing religious, so that one
could not walk thro' the town in an evening without hearing psalms
sung in different families of every street.

And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject
to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner
propos'd, and persons appointed to receive contributions, but sufficient
sums were soon receiv'd to procure the ground and erect the building,
which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad, about the size
of Westminster Hall; and the work was carried on with such spirit
as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected.
Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use
of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say
something to the people at Philadelphia; the design in building not
being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in general;
so that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a missionary
to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at his service.

Mr.\ Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way thro'
the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had lately
been begun, but, instead of being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen,
accustomed to labor, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it
was with families of broken shop-keepers and other insolvent debtors,
many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who, being
set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to
endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving
many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable
situation inspir'd the benevolent heart of Mr.\ Whitefield with the
idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they might be supported
and educated. Returning northward, he preach'd up this charity, and
made large collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful power over
the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance.

I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia was then destitute
of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia
at a great expense, I thought it would have been better to have built
the house here, and brought the children to it. This I advis'd; but
he was resolute in his first project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore
refus'd to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his
sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish
with a collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from
me, I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver
dollars, and five \textit{\emph{pistoles}} in gold. As he proceeded
I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke
of his oratory made me asham'd of that, and determin'd me to give
the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that I empty'd my pocket
wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon there
was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the
building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended,
had, by precaution, emptied his pockets before he came from home.
Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong
desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbour, who stood near him, to
borrow some money for the purpose. The application was unfortunately
to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not to
be affected by the preacher. His answer was, {}``At any other time,
Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee
seems to be out of thy right senses.''

Some of Mr.\ Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he would
apply these collections to his own private emolument; but I who was
intimately acquainted with him (being employed in printing his Sermons
and Journals, \textit{etc}.), never had the least suspicion of his
integrity, but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in
all his conduct a perfectly honest man, and methinks my testimony
in his favour ought to have the more weight, as we had no religious
connection. He us'd, indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion,
but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were
heard. Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and
lasted to his death.

The following instance will show something of the terms on which we
stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to
me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he
could lodge when there, as he understood his old friend and host,
Mr.\ Benezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was, {}``You
know my house; if you can make shift with its scanty accommodations,
you will be most heartily welcome.'' He reply'd, that if I made that
kind offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I
returned, {}``Don't let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ's sake,
but for your sake.'' One of our common acquaintance jocosely remark'd,
that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when they received
any favour, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own
shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on earth.

The last time I saw Mr.\ Whitefield was in London, when he consulted
me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating
it to the establishment of a college.

He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences
so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance,
especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most
exact silence. He preach'd one evening from the top of the Court-house
steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the west side
of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were
fill'd with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the
hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he
could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the
river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street,
when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagining then a semi-circle,
of which my distance should be the radius, and that it were fill'd
with auditors, to each of whom I allow'd two square feet, I computed
that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd
me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five
thousand people in the fields, and to the antient histories of generals
haranguing whole armies, of which I had sometimes doubted.

By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between sermons
newly compos'd, and those which he had often preach'd in the course
of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improv'd by frequent
repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of
voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well plac'd, that, without
being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleas'd
with the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv'd
from an excellent piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant
preachers have over those who are stationary, as the latter can not
well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals.

His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to
his enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered
in preaching, might have been afterwards explain'd or qualifi'd by
supposing others that might have accompani'd them, or they might have
been deny'd; but \textit{litera} \emph{scripta monet}. Critics attack'd
his writings violently, and with so much appearance of reason as to
diminish the number of his votaries and prevent their encrease; so
that I am of opinion if he had never written any thing, he would have
left behind him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation
might in that case have been still growing, even after his death,
as there being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure
and give him a lower character, his \textit{\emph{proselytes}} would
be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of excellence
as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed.

My business was now continually augmenting, and my circumstances growing
daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable, as being
for a time almost the only one in this and the neighbouring provinces.
I experienced, too, the truth of the observation, {}``that after
getting the first hundred pound, it is more easy to get the second,''
money itself being of a prolific nature.

The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was encourag'd to
engage in others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had behaved
well, by establishing them with printing-houses in different colonies,
on the same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well, being
enabled at the end of our term, six years, to purchase the types of
me and go on working for themselves, by which means several families
were raised. Partnerships often finish in quarrels; but I was happy
in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing,
I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly settled,
in our articles, every thing to be done by or expected from each partner,
so that there was nothing to dispute, which precaution I would therefore
recommend to all who enter into partnerships; for, whatever esteem
partners may have for, and confidence in each other at the time of
the contract, little jealousies and disgusts may arise, with ideas
of inequality in the care and burden of the business, \textit{etc}.,
which are attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection,
perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences.

I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being
established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that
I regretted, there being no provision for defense, nor for a compleat
education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743,
drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that time,
thinking the Reverend Mr.\ Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person
to superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to
him; but he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries,
which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and, not knowing another
at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while
dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and
establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose
will be found among my writings, when collected.

With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at war against
Great Britain, and being at length join'd by France, which brought
us into great danger; and the laboured and long-continued endeavour
of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly to pass
a militia law, and make other provisions for the security of the province,
having proved abortive, I determined to try what might be done by
a voluntary association of the people. To promote this, I first wrote
and published a pamphlet, entitled \textit{Plain} \textit{Truth},
in which I stated our defenceless situation in strong lights, with
the necessity of union and discipline for our defense, and promis'd
to propose in a few days an association, to be generally signed for
that purpose. The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was
call'd upon for the instrument of association, and having settled
the draft of it with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens
in the large building before mentioned. The house was pretty full;
I had prepared a number of printed copies, and provided pens and ink
dispers'd all over the room. I harangued them a little on the subject,
read the paper, and explained it, and then distributed the copies,
which were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made.

When the company separated, and the papers were collected, we found
above twelve hundred hands; and, other copies being dispersed in the
country, the subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand.
These all furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms, formed
themselves into companies and regiments, chose their own officers,
and met every week to be instructed in the manual exercise, and other
parts of military discipline. The women, by subscriptions among themselves,
provided silk colors, which they presented to the companies, painted
with different devices and mottos, which I supplied.

The officers of the companies composing the Philadelphia regiment,
being met, chose me for their colonel; but, conceiving myself unfit,
I declin'd that station, and recommended Mr.\ Lawrence, a fine person,
and man of influence, who was accordingly appointed. I then propos'd
a lottery to defray the expense of building a battery below the town,
and furnishing it with cannon. It filled expeditiously, and the battery
was soon erected, the \textit{\emph{Merlons}} being fram'd of logs
and fill'd with earth. We bought some old cannon from Boston, but,
these not being sufficient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting,
at the same time, our proprietaries for some assistance, tho' without
much expectation of obtaining it.

Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, Esqr., and
myself were sent to New York by the associators, commission'd to borrow
some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first refus'd us peremptorily;
but at dinner with his council, where there was great drinking of
Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was, he softened by
degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more bumpers he
advanc'd to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen.
They were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages, which
we soon transported and mounted on our battery, where the associators
kept a nightly guard while the war lasted, and among the rest I regularly
took my turn of duty there as a common soldier.

My activity in these operations was agreeable to the governor and
council; they took me into confidence, and I was consulted by them
in every measure wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the
association. Calling in the aid of religion, I propos'd to them the
proclaiming a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the blessing
of Heaven on our undertaking. They embrac'd the motion; but, as it
was the first fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary
had no precedent from which to draw the proclamation. My education
in New England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of
some advantage: I drew it in the accustomed stile, it was translated
into German, printed in both languages, and divulg'd thro' the province.
This gave the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of influencing
their congregations to join in the association, and it would probably
have been general among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon
interven'd.

It was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity in these
affairs, I should offend that sect, and thereby lose my interest in
the Assembly of the province, where they formed a great majority.
A young gentleman who had likewise some friends in the House, and
wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that it was decided
to displace me at the next election; and he, therefore, in good will,
advis'd me to resign, as more consistent with my honour than being
turn'd out. My answer to him was, that I had read or heard of some
public man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and never
to refuse one when offer'd to him. {}``I approve,'' says I, {}``of
his rule, and will practice it with a small addition; I shall never
ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. If they will have my
office of clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it from
me. I will not, by giving it up, lose my right of some time or other
making reprisals on my adversaries.'' I heard, however, no more of
this; I was chosen again unanimously as usual at the next election.
Possibly, as they dislik'd my late intimacy with the members of council,
who had join'd the governors in all the disputes about military preparations,
with which the House had long been harass'd, they might have been
pleas'd if I would voluntarily have left them; but they did not care
to displace me on account merely of my zeal for the association, and
they could not well give another reason.

Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense of the country
was not disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not requir'd
to assist in it. And I found that a much greater number of them than
I could have imagined, tho' against offensive war, were clearly for
the defensive. Many pamphlets pro and con were publish'd on the subject,
and some by good Quakers, in favour of defense, which I believe convinc'd
most of their younger people.

A transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into their
prevailing sentiments. It had been propos'd that we should encourage
the scheme for building a battery by laying out the present stock,
then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules,
no money could be dispos'd of till the next meeting after the proposal.
The company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were
Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions. We eight punctually
attended the meeting; but, tho' we thought that some of the Quakers
would join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one Quaker,
Mr.\ James Morris, appear'd to oppose the measure. He expressed much
sorrow that it had ever been propos'd, as he said Friends were all
against it, and it would create such discord as might break up the
company. We told him that we saw no reason for that; we were the minority,
and if Friends were against the measure, and outvoted us, we must
and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit. When
the hour for business arriv'd it was mov'd to put the vote; he allow'd
we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure us that
a number of members intended to be present for the purpose of opposing
it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their appearing.

While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two gentlemen
below desir'd to speak with me. I went down, and found they were two
of our Quaker members. They told me there were eight of them assembled
at a tavern just by; that they were determin'd to come and vote with
us if there should be occasion, which they hop'd would not be the
case, and desir'd we would not call for their assistance if we could
do without it, as their voting for such a measure might embroil them
with their elders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I
went up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay
of another hour. This Mr.\ Morris allow'd to be extreamly fair. Not
one of his opposing friends appear'd, at which he express'd great
surprize; and, at the expiration of the hour, we carry'd the resolution
eight to one; and as, of the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready
to vote with us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that they
were not inclin'd to oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the
proportion of Quakers sincerely against defense as one to twenty-one
only; for these were all regular members of that society, and in good
reputation among them, and had due notice of what was propos'd at
that meeting.

The honorable and learned Mr.\ Logan, who had always been of that
sect, was one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation
of defensive war, and supporting his opinion by many strong arguments.
He put into my hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets
for the battery, with directions to apply what prizes might be drawn
wholly to that service. He told me the following anecdote of his old
master, William Penn, respecting defense. He came over from England,
when a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It
was war-time, and their ship was chas'd by an armed vessel, suppos'd
to be an enemy. Their captain prepar'd for defense; but told William
Penn and his company of Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance,
and they might retire into the cabin, which they did, except James
Logan, who chose to stay upon deck, and was quarter'd to a gun. The
suppos'd enemy prov'd a friend, so there was no fighting; but when
the secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn
rebuk'd him severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist
in defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of Friends, especially
as it had not been required by the captain. This reproof, being before
all the company, piqu'd the secretary, who answer'd, {}``I being
thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But thee was
willing enough that I should stay and help to fight the ship when
thee thought there was danger.''

My being many years in the Assembly, the majority of which were constantly
Quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment
given them by their principle against war, whenever application was
made to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for military purposes.
They were unwilling to offend government, on the one hand, by a direct
refusal; and their friends, the body of the Quakers, on the other,
by a compliance contrary to their principles; hence a variety of evasions
to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the compliance when it
became unavoidable. The common mode at last was, to grant money under
the phrase of its being {}``for the king's use,'' and never to inquire
how it was applied.

But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that phrase was
found not so proper, and some other was to be invented. As, when powder
was wanting (I think it was for the garrison at Louisburg), and the
government of New England solicited a grant of some from Pennsilvania,
which was much urg'd on the House by Governor Thomas, they could not
grant money to buy powder, because that was an ingredient of war;
but they voted an aid to New England of three thousand pounds, to
be put into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for the
purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. Some of the council,
desirous of giving the House still further embarrassment, advis'd
the governor not to accept provision, as not being the thing he had
demanded; but be reply'd, {}``I shall take the money, for I understand
very well their meaning; other grain is gunpowder,'' which he accordingly
bought, and they never objected to it.%
\footnote{See the votes.\mbox{---}{[}Marg.\ note.{]}%
}

It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire company we
feared the success of our proposal in favour of the lottery, and I
had said to my friend Mr.\ Syng, one of our members, {}``If we fail,
let us move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; the Quakers
can have no objection to that; and then, if you nominate me and I
you as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which
is certainly a fire-engine.'' {}``I see,'' says he, {}``you have
improv'd by being so long in the Assembly; your equivocal project
would be just a match for their wheat or other grain.''

These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer'd from having establish'd
and published it as one of their principles that no kind of war was
lawful, and which, being once published, they could not afterwards,
however they might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds
me of what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect among us,
that of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with one of its founders, Michael
Welfare, soon after it appear'd. He complain'd to me that they were
grievously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and charg'd
with abominable principles and practices, to which they were utter
strangers. I told him this had always been the case with new sects,
and that, to put a stop to such abuse, I imagin'd it might be well
to publish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their discipline.
He said that it had been propos'd among them, but not agreed to, for
this reason: {}``When we were first drawn together as a society,''
says he, {}``it had pleased God to enlighten our minds so far as
to see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors;
and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real truths. From
time to time He has been pleased to afford us farther light, and our
principles have been improving, and our errors diminishing. Now we
are not sure that we are arrived at the end of this progression, and
at the perfection of spiritual or theological knowledge; and we fear
that, if we should once print our confession of faith, we should feel
ourselves as if bound and confin'd by it, and perhaps be unwilling
to receive farther improvement, and our successors still more so,
as conceiving what we their elders and founders had done, to be something
sacred, never to be departed from.''

This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the history
of mankind, every other sect supposing itself in possession of all
truth, and that those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man
traveling in foggy weather, those at some distance before him on the
road he sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind him, and
also the people in the fields on each side, but near him all appears
clear, tho' in truth he is as much in the fog as any of them. To avoid
this kind of embarrassment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually
declining the public service in the Assembly and in the magistracy,
choosing rather to quit their power than their principle.

In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that having, in
1742, invented an open stove for the better warming of rooms, and
at the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed
in entering, I made a present of the model to Mr.\ Robert Grace,
one of my early friends, who, having an iron-furnace, found the casting
of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as they were growing
in demand. To promote that demand, I wrote and published a pamphlet,
entitled {}``An Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces;
wherein their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly
explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms
demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised against the
Use of them answered and obviated,'' \textit{etc}. This pamphlet
had a good effect. Gov'r. Thomas was so pleas'd with the construction
of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to give me a patent
for the sole vending of them for a term of years; but I declin'd it
from a principle which has ever weighed with me on such occasions,
\textit{viz}., That, as we enjoy great advantages from the inventions
of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by
any invention of ours; and this we should do freely and generously.

An ironmonger in London however, assuming a good deal of my pamphlet,
and working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the
machine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent for it there,
and made, as I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the
only instance of patents taken out for my inventions by others, tho'
not always with the same success, which I never contested, as having
no desire of profiting by patents myself, and hating disputes. The
use of these fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the
neighbouring colonies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to
the inhabitants.

Peace being concluded, and the association business therefore at an
end, I turn'd my thoughts again to the affair of establishing an academy.
The first step I took was to associate in the design a number of active
friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good part; the next was to
write and publish a pamphlet, entitled \emph{Proposals Relating to
the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania}. This I distributed among
the principal inhabitants \emph{gratis}; and as soon as I could suppose
their minds a little prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot
a subscription for opening and supporting an academy; it was to be
paid in quotas yearly for five years; by so dividing it, I judg'd
the subscription might be larger, and I believe it was so, amounting
to no less, if I remember right, than five thousand pounds.

In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their publication,
not as an act of mine, but of some publick-spirited gentlemen, avoiding
as much as I could, according to my usual rule, the presenting myself
to the publick as the author of any scheme for their benefit.

The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate execution, chose
out of their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed Mr.\ Francis,
then attorney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the
government of the academy; which being done and signed, a house was
hired, masters engag'd, and the schools opened, I think, in the same
year, 1749.

The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found too small,
and we were looking out for a piece of ground, properly situated,
with intention to build, when Providence threw into our way a large
house ready built, which, with a few alterations, might well serve
our purpose. This was the building before mentioned, erected by the
hearers of Mr.\ Whitefield, and was obtained for us in the following
manner.

It is to be noted that the contributions to this building being made
by people of different sects, care was taken in the nomination of
trustees, in whom the building and ground was to be vested, that a
predominancy should not be given to any sect, lest in time that predominancy
might be a means of appropriating the whole to the use of such sect,
contrary to the original intention. It was therefore that one of each
sect was appointed, \textit{viz}., one Church-of-England man, one
Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Moravian, \textit{etc}., those, in
case of vacancy by death, were to fill it by election from among the
contributors. The Moravian happen'd not to please his colleagues,
and on his death they resolved to have no other of that sect. The
difficulty then was, how to avoid having two of some other sect, by
means of the new choice.

Several persons were named, and for that reason not agreed to. At
length one mention'd me, with the observation that I was merely an
honest man, and of no sect at all, which prevail'd with them to chuse
me. The enthusiasm which existed when the house was built had long
since abated, and its trustees had not been able to procure fresh
contributions for paying the ground-rent, and discharging some other
debts the building had occasion'd, which embarrass'd them greatly.
Being now a member of both setts of trustees, that for the building
and that for the Academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating
with both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by which the
trustees for the building were to cede it to those of the academy,
the latter undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep for ever open
in the building a large hall for occasional preachers, according to
the original intention, and maintain a free-school for the instruction
of poor children. Writings were accordingly drawn, and on paying the
debts the trustees of the academy were put in possession of the premises;
and by dividing the great and lofty hall into stories, and different
rooms above and below for the several schools, and purchasing some
additional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our purpose, and
the scholars remov'd into the building. The care and trouble of agreeing
with the workmen, purchasing materials, and superintending the work,
fell upon me; and I went thro' it the more cheerfully, as it did not
then interfere with my private business, having the year before taken
a very able, industrious, and honest partner, Mr.\ David Hall, with
whose character I was well acquainted, as he had work'd for me four
years. He took off my hands all care of the printing-office, paying
me punctually my share of the profits. This partnership continued
eighteen years, successfully for us both.

The trustees of the academy, after a while, were incorporated by a
charter from the governor; their funds were increas'd by contributions
in Britain and grants of land from the proprietaries, to which the
Assembly has since made considerable addition; and thus was established
the present University of Philadelphia. I have been continued one
of its trustees from the beginning, now near forty years, and have
had the very great pleasure of seeing a number of the youth who have
receiv'd their education in it, distinguish'd by their improv'd abilities,
serviceable in public stations and ornaments to their country.

When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from private business,
I flatter'd myself that, by the sufficient tho' moderate fortune I
had acquir'd, I had secured leisure during the rest of my life for
philosophical studies and amusements. I purchased all Dr.\ Spence's
apparatus, who had come from England to lecture here, and I proceeded
in my electrical experiments with great alacrity; but the publick,
now considering me as a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their
purposes, every part of our civil government, and almost at the same
time, imposing some duty upon me. The governor put me into the commission
of the peace; the corporation of the city chose me of the common council,
and soon after an alderman; and the citizens at large chose me a burgess
to represent them in Assembly. This latter station was the more agreeable
to me, as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear debates,
in which, as clerk, I could take no part, and which were often so
unentertaining that I was induc'd to amuse myself with making magic
squares or circles, or any thing to avoid weariness; and I conceiv'd
my becoming a member would enlarge my power of doing good. I would
not, however, insinuate that my ambition was not flatter'd by all
these promotions; it certainly was; for, considering my low beginning,
they were great things to me; and they were still more pleasing, as
being so many spontaneous testimonies of the public good opinion,
and by me entirely unsolicited.

The office of justice of the peace I try'd a little, by attending
a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear causes; but finding
that more knowledge of the common law than I possess'd was necessary
to act in that station with credit, I gradually withdrew from it,
excusing myself by my being oblig'd to attend the higher duties of
a legislator in the Assembly. My election to this trust was repeated
every year for ten years, without my ever asking any elector for his
vote, or signifying, either directly or indirectly, any desire of
being chosen. On taking my seat in the House, my son was appointed
their clerk.

The year following, a treaty being to be held with the Indians at
Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the House, proposing that
they should nominate some of their members, to be join'd with some
members of council, as commissioners for that purpose.%
\footnote{See the votes to have this more correctly.\mbox{---}{[}Marg.\ note.{]}%
} The House named the speaker (Mr.\ Norris) and myself; and, being
commission'd, we went to Carlisle, and met the Indians accordingly.

As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and, when so, are
very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly forbad the selling any
liquor to them; and when they complain'd of this restriction, we told
them that if they would continue sober during the treaty, we would
give them plenty of rum when business was over. They promis'd this,
and they kept their promise, because they could get no liquor, and
the treaty was conducted very orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction.
They then claim'd and receiv'd the rum; this was in the afternoon;
they were near one hundred men, women, and children, and were lodg'd
in temporary cabins, built in the form of a square, just without the
town. In the evening, hearing a great noise among them, the commissioners
walk'd out to see what was the matter. We found they had made a great
bonfire in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and
women, quarreling and fighting. Their dark-colour'd bodies, half naked,
seen only by the gloomy light of the bonfire, running after and beating
one another with firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yellings,
form'd a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that could well
be imagin'd; there was no appeasing the tumult, and we retired to
our lodging. At midnight a number of them came thundering at our door,
demanding more rum, of which we took no notice.

The next day, sensible they had misbehav'd in giving us that disturbance,
they sent three of their old counselors to make their apology. The
orator acknowledg'd the fault, but laid it upon the rum; and then
endeavored to excuse the rum by saying, {}``The Great Spirit, who
made all things, made every thing for some use, and whatever use he
design'd any thing for, that use it should always be put to. Now,
when he made rum, he said `Let this be for the Indians to get drunk
with,' and it must be so.'' And, indeed, if it be the design of Providence
to extirpate these savages in order to make room for cultivators of
the earth, it seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means.
It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited the
sea-coast.

In 1751, Dr.\ Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine, conceived
the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadelphia (a very beneficent
design, which has been ascrib'd to me, but was originally his), for
the reception and cure of poor sick persons, whether inhabitants of
the province or strangers. He was zealous and active in endeavouring
to procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a novelty
in America, and at first not well understood, he met with but small
success.

At length he came to me with the compliment that he found there was
no such thing as carrying a public-spirited project through without
my being concern'd in it. {}``For,'' says he, {}``I am often ask'd
by those to whom I propose subscribing, Have you consulted Franklin
upon this business? And what does he think of it? And when I tell
them that I have not (supposing it rather out of your line), they
do not subscribe, but say they will consider of it.'' I enquired
into the nature and probable utility of his scheme, and receiving
from him a very satisfactory explanation, I not only subscrib'd to
it myself, but engag'd heartily in the design of procuring subscriptions
from others. Previously, however, to the solicitation, I endeavoured
to prepare the minds of the people by writing on the subject in the
newspapers, which was my usual custom in such cases, but which he
had omitted.

The subscriptions afterwards were more free and generous; but, beginning
to flag, I saw they would be insufficient without some assistance
from the Assembly, and therefore propos'd to petition for it, which
was done. The country members did not at first relish the project;
they objected that it could only be serviceable to the city, and therefore
the citizens alone should be at the expense of it; and they doubted
whether the citizens themselves generally approv'd of it. My allegation
on the contrary, that it met with such approbation as to leave no
doubt of our being able to raise two thousand pounds by voluntary
donations, they considered as a most extravagant supposition, and
utterly impossible.

On this I form'd my plan; and asking leave to bring in a bill for
incorporating the contributors according to the prayer of their petition,
and granting them a blank sum of money, which leave was obtained chiefly
on the consideration that the House could throw the bill out if they
did not like it, I drew it so as to make the important clause a conditional
one, \textit{viz}., {}``And be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
that when the said contributors shall have met and chosen their managers
and treasurer, and shall have raised by their contributions a capital
stock of \mbox{------} value (the yearly interest of which is to
be applied to the accommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital,
free of charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines), and shall
make the same appear to the satisfaction of the speaker of the Assembly
for the time being, that then it shall and may be lawful for the said
speaker, and he is hereby required, to sign an order on the provincial
treasurer for the payment of two thousand pounds, in two yearly payments,
to the treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied to the founding,
building, and finishing of the same.''

This condition carried the bill through; for the members, who had
oppos'd the grant, and now conceiv'd they might have the credit of
being charitable without the expence, agreed to its passage; and then,
in soliciting subscriptions among the people, we urg'd the conditional
promise of the law as an additional motive to give, since every man's
donation would be doubled; thus the clause work'd both ways. The subscriptions
accordingly soon exceeded the requisite sum, and we claim'd and receiv'd
the public gift, which enabled us to carry the design into execution.
A convenient and handsome building was soon erected; the institution
has by constant experience been found useful, and flourishes to this
day; and I do not remember any of my political man\oe{}uvres, the
success of which gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein, after
thinking of it, I more easily excus'd myself for having made some
use of cunning.

It was about this time that another projector, the Rev.\ Gilbert
Tennent, came to me with a request that I would assist him in procuring
a subscription for erecting a new meeting-house. It was to be for
the use of a congregation he had gathered among the Presbyterians,
who were originally disciples of Mr.\ Whitefield. Unwilling to make
myself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently soliciting
their contributions, I absolutely refus'd. He then desired I would
furnish him with a list of the names of persons I knew by experience
to be generous and public-spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming
in me, after their kind compliance with my solicitations, to mark
them out to be worried by other beggars, and therefore refus'd also
to give such a list. He then desir'd I would at least give him my
advice. {}``That I will readily do,'' said I; {}``and, in the first
place, I advise you to apply to all those whom you know will give
something; next, to those whom you are uncertain whether they will
give any thing or not, and show them the list of those who have given;
and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are sure will give nothing,
for in some of them you may be mistaken.'' He laugh'd and thank'd
me, and said he would take my advice. He did so, for he ask'd of everybody,
and he obtained a much larger sum than he expected, with which he
erected the capacious and very elegant meeting-house that stands in
Arch-street.

Our city, tho' laid out with a beautiful regularity, the streets large,
strait, and crossing each other at right angles, had the disgrace
of suffering those streets to remain long unpav'd, and in wet weather
the wheels of heavy carriages plough'd them into a quagmire, so that
it was difficult to cross them; and in dry weather the dust was offensive.
I had liv'd near what was call'd the Jersey Market, and saw with pain
the inhabitants wading in mud while purchasing their provisions. A
strip of ground down the middle of that market was at length pav'd
with brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm footing,
but were often over shoes in dirt to get there. By talking and writing
on the subject, I was at length instrumental in getting the street
pav'd with stone between the market and the brick'd foot-pavement,
that was on each side next the houses. This, for some time, gave an
easy access to the market dry-shod; but, the rest of the street not
being pav'd, whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement,
it shook off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover'd with
mire, which was not remov'd, the city as yet having no scavengers.

After some inquiry I found a poor industrious man, who was willing
to undertake keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping it twice a week,
carrying off the dirt from before all the neighbours' doors, for the
sum of sixpence per month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote
and printed a paper setting forth the advantages to the neighbourhood
that might be obtain'd by this small expense; the greater ease in
keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by people's
feet; the benefit to the shops by more custom, \textit{etc}., \textit{etc}.,
as buyers could more easily get at them; and by not having, in windy
weather, the dust blown in upon their goods, \textit{etc}., \textit{etc}.
I sent one of these papers to each house, and in a day or two went
round to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay these sixpences;
it was unanimously sign'd, and for a time well executed. All the inhabitants
of the city were delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that
surrounded the market, it being a convenience to all, and this rais'd
a general desire to have all the streets paved, and made the people
more willing to submit to a tax for that purpose.

After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, and brought it
into the Assembly. It was just before I went to England, in 1757,
and did not pass till I was gone.%
\footnote{See votes.%
} and then with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which I thought
not for the better, but with an additional provision for lighting
as well as paving the streets, which was a great improvement. It was
by a private person, the late Mr.\ John Clifton, his giving a sample
of the utility of lamps, by placing one at his door, that the people
were first impress'd with the idea of enlighting all the city. The
honour of this public benefit has also been ascrib'd to me but it
belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but follow his example, and
have only some merit to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as
differing from the globe lamps we were at first supply'd with from
London. Those we found inconvenient in these respects: they admitted
no air below; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out above,
but circulated in the globe, lodg'd on its inside, and soon obstructed
the light they were intended to afford; giving, besides, the daily
trouble of wiping them clean; and an accidental stroke on one of them
would demolish it, and render it totally useless. I therefore suggested
the composing them of four flat panes, with a long funnel above to
draw up the smoke, and crevices admitting air below, to facilitate
the ascent of the smoke; by this means they were kept clean, and did
not grow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but continu'd
bright till morning, and an accidental stroke would generally break
but a single pane, easily repair'd.

I have sometimes wonder'd that the Londoners did not, from the effect
holes in the bottom of the globe lamps us'd at Vauxhall have in keeping
them clean, learn to have such holes in their street lamps. But, these
holes being made for another purpose, \textit{viz}., to communicate
flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax hanging down thro'
them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not to have been thought
of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the
streets of London are very poorly illuminated.

The mention of these improvements puts me in mind of one I propos'd,
when in London, to Dr.\ Fothergill, who was among the best men I
have known, and a great promoter of useful projects. I had observ'd
that the streets, when dry, were never swept, and the light dust carried
away; but it was suffer'd to accumulate till wet weather reduc'd it
to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the pavement that
there was no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with
brooms, it was with great labour rak'd together and thrown up into
carts open above, the sides of which suffer'd some of the slush at
every jolt on the pavement to shake out and fall, sometimes to the
annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason given for not sweeping the
dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the windows of shops
and houses.

An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much sweeping might
be done in a little time. I found at my door in Craven-street, one
morning, a poor woman sweeping my pavement with a birch broom; she
appeared very pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness.
I ask'd who employ'd her to sweep there; she said, {}``Nobody, but
I am very poor and in distress, and I sweeps before gentlefolkses
doors, and hopes they will give me something.'' I bid her sweep the
whole street clean, and I would give her a shilling; this was at nine
o'clock; at 12 she came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw
at first in her working, I could scarce believe that the work was
done so soon, and sent my servant to examine it, who reported that
the whole street was swept perfectly clean, and all the dust plac'd
in the gutter, which was in the middle; and the next rain wash'd it
quite away, so that the pavement and even the kennel were perfectly
clean.

I then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a street
in three hours, a strong, active man might have done it in half the
time. And here let me remark the convenience of having but one gutter
in such a narrow street, running down its middle, instead of two,
one on each side, near the footway; for where all the rain that falls
on a street runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms
there a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it meets with;
but when divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse
either, and only makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels
of carriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the foot-pavement,
which is thereby rendered foul and slippery, and sometimes splash
it upon those who are walking. My proposal, communicated to the good
doctor, was as follows:

{}``For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the streets
of London and Westminster, it is proposed that the several watchmen
be contracted with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and the
mud rak'd up at other times, each in the several streets and lanes
of his round; that they be furnish'd with brooms and other proper
instruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respective stands,
ready to furnish the poor people they may employ in the service.

{}``That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept up into heaps
at proper distances, before the shops and windows of houses are usually
opened, when the scavengers, with close-covered carts, shall also
carry it all away.

{}``That the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in heaps to be spread
abroad again by the wheels of carriages and trampling of horses, but
that the scavengers be provided with bodies of carts, not plac'd high
upon wheels, but low upon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being
cover'd with straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and permit
the water to drain from it, whereby it will become much lighter, water
making the greatest part of its weight; these bodies of carts to be
plac'd at convenient distances, and the mud brought to them in wheel-barrows;
they remaining where plac'd till the mud is drain'd, and then horses
brought to draw them away.''

I have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter part of
this proposal, on account of the narrowness of some streets, and the
difficulty of placing the draining-sleds so as not to encumber too
much the passage; but I am still of opinion that the former, requiring
the dust to be swept up and carry'd away before the shops are open,
is very practicable in the summer, when the days are long; for, in
walking thro' the Strand and Fleet-street one morning at seven o'clock,
I observ'd there was not one shop open, tho' it had been daylight
and the sun up above three hours; the inhabitants of London chusing
voluntarily to live much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine, and
yet often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on candles and
the high price of tallow.

Some may think these trifling matters not worth minding or relating;
but when they consider that tho' dust blown into the eyes of a single
person, or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance,
yet the great number of the instances in a populous city, and its
frequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, perhaps they
will not censure very severely those who bestow some attention to
affairs of this seemingly low nature. Human felicity is produc'd not
so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by
little advantages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor
young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, you may contribute
more to the happiness of his life than in giving him a thousand guineas.
The money may be soon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly
consumed it; but in the other case, he escapes the frequent vexation
of waiting for barbers, and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive
breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when most convenient to him, and
enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instrument.
With these sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping
they may afford hints which some time or other may be useful to a
city I love, having lived many years in it very happily, and perhaps
to some of our towns in America.

Having been for some time employed by the postmaster-general of America
as his comptroller in regulating several offices, and bringing the
officers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly
with Mr.\ William Hunter, to succeed him, by a commission from the
postmaster-general in England. The American office never had hitherto
paid any thing to that of Britain. We were to have six hundred pounds
a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits of
the office. To do this, a variety of improvements were necessary;
some of these were inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first
four years the office became above nine hundred pounds in debt to
us. But it soon after began to repay us; and before I was displac'd
by a freak of the ministers, of which I shall speak hereafter, we
had brought it to yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown
as the postoffice of Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, they
have receiv'd from it\mbox{---}not one farthing!

The business of the postoffice occasion'd my taking a journey this
year to New England, where the College of Cambridge, of their own
motion, presented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College,
in Connecticut, had before made me a similar compliment. Thus, without
studying in any college, I came to partake of their honours. They
were conferr'd in consideration of my improvements and discoveries
in the electric branch of natural philosophy.

In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners
from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade,
to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the
Six Nations concerning the means of defending both their country and
ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd this order, acquainted the
House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the
Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr.\ Norris)
and myself to join Mr.\ Thomas Penn and Mr.\ Secretary Peters as
commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approv'd the nomination,
and provided the goods for the present, and tho' they did not much
like treating out of the provinces; and we met the other commissioners
at Albany about the middle of June.

In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union of all
the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for
defense, and other important general purposes. As we pass'd thro'
New York, I had there shown my project to Mr.\ James Alexander and
Mr.\ Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs,
and, being fortified by their approbation, I ventur'd to lay it before
the Congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had
form'd plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken,
whether a union should be established, which pass'd in the affirmative
unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each
colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happen'd to
be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.

By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-general,
appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be
chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies,
met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress
went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections
and difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome,
and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted
to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces.
Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all
thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England it was
judg'd to have too much of the democratic.

The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend
it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form'd,
supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors
of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils,
were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, \textit{etc}.,
and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which
was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax
on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found
among my political papers that are printed.

Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with
Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between
us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different
and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it
was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have
been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies,
so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves;
there would then have been no need of troops from England; of course,
the subsequent pretence for taxing America, and the bloody contest
it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not
new; history is full of the errors of states and princes.

\begin{flushleft} \begin{verse} \footnotesize

Look round the habitable world, how few \\*

\mbox{Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!}

\end{verse} \end{flushleft}

Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally
like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution
new projects. The best public measures are therefore seldom adopted
from previous wisdom, but forc'd by the occasion.

The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly,
express'd his approbation of the plan, {}``as appearing to him to
be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore
recommended it as well worthy of their closest and most serious attention.''
The House, however, by the management of a certain member, took it
up when I happen'd to be absent, which I thought not very fair, and
reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no
small mortification.

In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with our new
governor, Mr.\ Morris, just arriv'd there from England, with whom
I had been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to
supersede Mr.\ Hamilton, who, tir'd with the disputes his proprietary
instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. Mr.\ Morris ask'd me
if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I
said, {}``No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one,
if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the
Assembly.'' {}``My dear friend,'' says he, pleasantly, {}``how
can you advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing; it
is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard I have
for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them.''
He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute
sophister, and, therefore, generally successful in argumentative conversation.
He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard,
accustoming his children to dispute with one another for his diversion,
while sitting at table after dinner; but I think the practice was
not wise; for, in the course of my observation, these disputing, contradicting,
and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They
get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be
of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to
Boston.

In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly, by
which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and
the House were already in high contention; and it was a continual
battle between them as long as he retain'd the government. I had my
share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the Assembly,
I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and messages,
and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers,
as well as his messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently
abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might have
imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cutting throats;
but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal difference between
him and me was occasion'd by the contest, and we often din'd together.

One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the
street. {}``Franklin,'' says he, {}``you must go home with me and
spend the evening; I am to have some company that you will like;''
and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation
over our wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admir'd
the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him a
government, requested it might be a government of blacks, as then,
if he could not agree with his people, he might sell them. One of
his friends, who sat next to me, says, {}``Franklin, why do you continue
to side with these damn'd Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The
proprietor would give you a good price.'' {}``The governor,'' says
I, {}``has not yet blacked them enough.'' He, indeed, had labored
hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off
his coloring as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick
upon his own face; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied
himself, he, as well as Mr.\ Hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest,
and quitted the government.

%
\footnote{My acts in Morris's time, military, \textit{etc}.\mbox{---}{[}Marg.\ note.{]}%
}These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries,
our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred
for the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed
their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless
their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused; and they
had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions.
The Assemblies for three years held out against this injustice, tho'
constrained to bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor
Morris's successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how that
was brought about I shall show hereafter.

But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some
transactions to be mention'd that happened during the administration
of Governor Morris.

War being in a manner commenced with France, the government of Massachusetts
Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr.\ Quincy to
Pennsylvania, and Mr.\ Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New
York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper,
and was Mr.\ Quincy's countryman, he appli'd to me for my influence
and assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well receiv'd.
They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions.
But the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included
this with other sums granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause
were inserted exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any part
of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous
of making their grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how
to accomplish it. Mr.\ Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain
his assent, but he was obstinate.

I then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor,
by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly
had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no money at
that time in the office, and therefore I propos'd that the orders
should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five per cent.
With these orders I suppos'd the provisions might easily be purchas'd.
The Assembly, with very little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The
orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee directed
to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them was the interest
of all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together
with the revenue arising from the excise, which being known to be
more than sufficient, they obtain'd instant credit, and were not only
receiv'd in payment for the provisions, but many money'd people, who
had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found
advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on
any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought
up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this important
affair was by my means compleated. My Quincy return'd thanks to the
Assembly in a handsome memorial, went home highly pleas'd with the
success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial
and affectionate friendship.

The British government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies
as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense,
lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength,
suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertain'd of them,
sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular English troops
for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thence
march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages.
Our Assembly apprehending, from some information, that he had conceived
violent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, wish'd
me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general,
under the guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of conducting
with most celerity and certainty the despatches between him and the
governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily
have continual correspondence, and of which they propos'd to pay the
expense. My son accompanied me on this journey.

We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for the
return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland and Virginia
to collect waggons. I stayed with him several days, din'd with him
daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by
the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival actually
done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations.
When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained
were brought in, by which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five,
and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The general and
all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the expedition was then
at an end, being impossible, and exclaim'd against the ministers for
ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of conveying
their stores, baggage, \textit{etc}., not less than one hundred and
fifty waggons being necessary.

I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed
rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had
his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, {}``Then
you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably procure them
for us; and I beg you will undertake it.'' I ask'd what terms were
to be offer'd the owners of the waggons; and I was desir'd to put
on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and
they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly
prepar'd immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement
I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster, which being, from the
great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some curiosity, I
shall insert it at length, as follows:

\begin{quotation}
\noindent \begin{center}{}``\textit{\noun{Advertisement}}.\\
{}``\textit{\emph{\noun{Lancaster}}}\noun{, April 26, 1755}.\end{center}

{}``Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each
waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for
the service of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's
Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to
empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice
that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to
next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till
Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams,
or single horses, on the following terms, \textit{viz}.: 1.\ That
there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver,
fifteen shillings \emph{per diem}; and for each able horse with a
pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings \emph{per
diem}; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence \emph{per
diem}. 2.\ That the pay commence from the time of their joining the
forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May
ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for
the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek and home again
after their discharge. 3.\ Each waggon and team, and every saddle
or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between
me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or
other horse in the service, the price according to such valuation
is to be allowed and paid. 4.\ Seven days' pay is to be advanced
and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse,
at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid
by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time
of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded.
5.\ No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses,
are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or
be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their carriages
or horses. 6.\ All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that waggons
or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence
of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable
price paid for the same.

{}``Note.\mbox{---} My son, William Frank\-lin, is empowered to
enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county.

\hspace{\stretch{1}}\noun{{}``B.} \textit{\emph{\noun{Franklin}}}\noun{.''}

\bigskip{}
\noindent \begin{center}{}``\noun{To the inhabitants of the Counties
of Lancaster, York and Cumberland.}\end{center}

\noindent \noun{{}``Friends and Countrymen},

{}``Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since,
I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account
of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been
expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through
the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been
provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.

{}``It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these
counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should
be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be
necessary to drive and take care of them.

{}``I apprehended that the pro\-g\-ress of British soldiers through
these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper
they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with
many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more
willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair
and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately
complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting;
you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very
considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should continue,
as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days,
the hire of these waggons and horses will amount to upward of thirty
thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the
king's money.

{}``The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce
march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses,
as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare
of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for
the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether
in a march or in a camp.

{}``If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects
to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make
it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately
spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses
and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another
one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately
between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country
voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to
you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's business
must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense,
must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably
expected from you; waggons and horses must be had; violent measures
will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense
where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or
regarded.

{}``I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the
satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labour
for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is
not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in
fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St.\ Clair, the hussar, with
a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose,
which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly
your friend and well-wisher, \noun{B.\ }\textit{\emph{\noun{Franklin}}}.''
\end{quotation}
I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed
in advance-money to the waggon owners, \textit{etc}.; but, that sum
being insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more,
and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred
and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp.
The advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in
case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging
they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had
on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly
gave them.

While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of
Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the
subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could
ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might
be necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing
was to be purchas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavor
procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my
intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly,
who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending
the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that
a present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments. My
son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew
up a list for me, which I enclos'd in my letter. The committee approv'd,
and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived
at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels,
each containing

\begin{quotation}
{\footnotesize 6 lbs.\ loaf sugar.\  }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 6 lbs.\ good Muscovado D° \mbox{------} }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1 lb.\ good green tea.}{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1 lb.\ good bohea D°.\  }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 6 lbs.\ good ground coffee.\  }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 6 lbs.\ chocolate.\  }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1/2 cwt.\ best white biscuit.\  }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1/2 lb.\ pepper.\  }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1 quart best white wine vinegar }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1 Gloucester cheese. }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1 kegg containing 20 lbs.\ good butter}{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 2 doz.\ old Madeira wine. }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 2 gallons Jamaica spirits. }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1 bottle flour of mustard. }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 2 well-cur'd hams. }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 1/2 dozen dry'd tongues. }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 6 lbs.\ rice. }{\footnotesize \par}

{\footnotesize 6 lbs.\ raisins.}{\footnotesize \par}
\end{quotation}
These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses,
each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer.
They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd
by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most
grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct
in procuring him the waggons, \textit{etc}., and readily paid my account
of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther
assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also,
and was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing
for the service of my own money, upwards of one thousand pounds sterling,
of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for
me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an
order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving
the remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good
luck, having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more
hereafter.

This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made
a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much
self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops,
and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan,
our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of
those people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides,
scouts, \textit{etc}., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted
and neglected them, and they gradually left him.

In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of
his intended progress. {}``After taking Fort Duquesne,'' says he,
{}``I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac,
if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne
can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing
that can obstruct my march to Niagara.'' Having before revolv'd in
my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very
narrow road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also
what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who
invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some
fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, {}``To
be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine
troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet compleatly
fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garrison, can probably
make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction
to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice,
are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line,
near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to
be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread
into several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in
time to support each other.''

He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, {}``These savages may, indeed,
be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king's
regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should
make any impression.'' I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing
with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more.
The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I
apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance
without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then,
when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front
had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the
woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard by a heavy
fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence
the general had of an enemy's being near him. This guard being disordered,
the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done
in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently
the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback,
were more easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very
fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or
hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them
were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled
with precipitation.

The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their
example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons,
provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general,
being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr.\ Shirley,
was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three
were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed
out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from
the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar,
who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions,
and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp,
and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all
his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy
who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians
and French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover
some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, \textit{etc}.,
to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his flight
towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met
with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania,
that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some
protection to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro'
all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at Philadelphia,
where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole transaction gave
us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess
of British regulars had not been well founded.

In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond
the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants,
totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and
confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put
us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any.
How different was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who,
during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode
Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest
complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being
grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him
to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally
silent all the first day, and at night only said, {}``Who would have
thought it?'' That he was silent again the following day, saying
only at last, {}``We shall better know how to deal with them another
time;'' and dy'd in a few minutes after.

The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions,
and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected
and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed,
to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration
of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry,
speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and
recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years
after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward
to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among
the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending
me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems,
was not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never
of any use to me.

As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would
give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants,
and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted. This
he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd to their
masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on him,
was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or
rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants
of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding
him of the late general's orders on that head. He promised me that,
if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in
a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their
men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going
to Trenton, and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their
great loss and disappointment.

As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known,
all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond
to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting
them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that orders
for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my
assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter; but, he
being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they
must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some
began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible
situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering
payment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay
would have ruined me.

Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to
me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense
of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing
on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave,
and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing
when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd
that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. {}``Why the
d\mbox{---}l!''\ says one of them, {}``you surely don't suppose
that the fort will not be taken?'' {}``I don't know that it will
not be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to great
uncertainty.'' I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription
was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the mortification they
would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr.\ Bond,
on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's
forebodings.

Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message
after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the
making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without
taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all
their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled
his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being
greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had
justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential
right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In
one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds,
his propos'd amendment was only of a single word. The bill expressed
{}``that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those
of the proprietaries not excepted.'' His amendment was, for \emph{not}
read \emph{only}: a small, but very material alteration. However,
when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there,
whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly's answers
to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries
for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions;
some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their
province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated
by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand
pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly
for such purpose.

This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share
of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause,
which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners
for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active
in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same
time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining of a voluntary
militia, which I carried thro' the House without much difficulty,
as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To
promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue,%
\footnote{This dialogue and the militia act are in the {}``Gentleman's Magazine''
for February and March, 1756.\mbox{---}{[}Marg.\ note.{]}%
} stating and answering all the objections I could think of to such
a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.

While the several companies in the city and country were forming and
learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge
of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and
provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building
a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did not
conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with
full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be
given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising
men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son,
who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against
Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had
burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred
the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one
of the forts.

In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem,
the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it
in so good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had
made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended
by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition
from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones
between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to
throw down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force
into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically
as in any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg,
I mention'd this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act
of Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies,
I had suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms.
He answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles,
but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought
to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however,
they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they
were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parliament; but
common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong
for whimsical opinions.

It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business
of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with
instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the
country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions;
and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut,
where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd
me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, \textit{etc}.

Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven
from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply
of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I
gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd
many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day;
there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd
near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were
all huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we
were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary
sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians
are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They
met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten
of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his companions'
guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.

The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the
desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left
several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation
the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our
first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who
had been half interr'd by the country people.

The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference
measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as
many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter
each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set to work
to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous in the use of them,
great despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the
curiosity to look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine;
in six minutes they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen
inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long,
pointed at one end. While these were preparing, our other men dug
a trench all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades were
to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the
fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united
the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses
each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they
were set up, our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within,
about six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the
loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles,
and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any were
within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if such
a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade, was finish'd
in a week, though it rain'd so hard every other day that the men could
not work.

This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they
are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd
and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day's
work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were
mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread,
\textit{etc}., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of
a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work;
and, when his mate once told him that they had done every thing, and
there was nothing further to employ them about, {}``Oh,'' says he,
{}``Make them scour the anchor.''

This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against
Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted securely,
and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties
to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found
the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our
proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance of those places,
that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for
them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its
light have discovered their position at a distance. They had therefore
dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper;
we saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal from
the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they
had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among
the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying
all round, with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their
feet warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire,
so manag'd, could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks,
or even smoke: it appear'd that their number was not great, and it
seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect
of advantage.

We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr.\ Beatty,
who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers
and exhortations. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides
pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd
out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening;
and I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon
which I said to Mr.\ Beatty, {}``It is, perhaps, below the dignity
of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to
deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about
you.'' He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help
of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction,
and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended;
so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted
by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.

I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd with
provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting
me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance there,
if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining
there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing
me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three
intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented
to remain on their farms under that protection, I resolved to return;
the more willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced
in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to
accept the command. I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison,
had it read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer
who, from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command
them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave.
I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover
from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in a good
bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging
on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.

While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of the Moravians:
some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I found
they work'd for a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in
common dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormitories I observed
loopholes, at certain distances all along just under the ceiling,
which I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at their
church, where I was entertain'd with good musick, the organ being
accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, \textit{etc}.
I understood that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed
congregations of men, women, and children, as is our common practice,
but that they assembled sometimes the married men, at other times
their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the little children,
each division by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who
came in and were plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct
of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman.
The discourse seem'd well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd
in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good.
They behav'd very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made
me suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient
exercise.

I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report was
true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd only in
particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself dispos'd
to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class, who consulted the elder
ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders of the different
sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions of their
respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable,
and their judgments were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example,
it should happen that two or three young women were found to be equally
proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected,
if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties, some
of them may chance to be very unhappy. {}``And so they may,'' answer'd
my informer, {}``if you let the parties chuse for themselves;''
which, indeed, I could not deny.

Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on swimmingly,
the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty generally come
into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains,
lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr.\ B.\ visited
me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to spread a general
good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those endeavors. I had
had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing
but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which
I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The officers, meeting,
chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this time accepted.
I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred
well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had been furnished
with six brass field-pieces, which they had become so expert in the
use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed
my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with
some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke several
glasses of my electrical apparatus. And my new honour proved not much
less brittle; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a
repeal of the law in England.

During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on
a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their
heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as
far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came
to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms.
I had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I should
have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state
on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance,
as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was,
that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode
with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this to
the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been
paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors; and he
said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be
true for aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette
in such cases.

This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against
me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the
Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which
I had always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe reflections
on his meanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused me
to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service,
preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills
for raising money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as
a proof of my having an intention to take the government of the province
out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener,
the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no
other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.

Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the
House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still
subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and
we never had any personal difference. I have sometimes since thought
that his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it was
known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of professional
habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as
merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries
and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in a friendly
way to advise with me on difficult points, and sometimes, tho' not
often, take my advice.

We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with provisions; and,
when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in
haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the desertion
of the back counties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I think
it was, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevail'd with, if possible,
to post his troops on the frontiers for their protection, till, by
re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed on
the expedition. And, after my return from the frontier, he would have
had me undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial
troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his men being
otherwise employed; and he proposed to commission me as general. I
had not so good an opinion of my military abilities as he profess'd
to have, and I believe his professions must have exceeded his real
sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity would facilitate
the raising of the men, and my influence in Assembly, the grant of
money to pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary
estate. Finding me not so forward to engage as he expected, the project
was dropt, and he soon after left the government, being superseded
by Captain Denny.

Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under
this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give
some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.

In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr.\ Spence, who was
lately arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments.
They were imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being
on a subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and pleased me.
Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd
from Mr.\ P.\ Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London,
a present of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making
such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what
I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness
in performing those, also, which we had an account of from England,
adding a number of new ones. I say much practice, for my house was
continually full, for some time, with people who came to see these
new wonders.

To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number
of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they furnish'd
themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among these,
the principal was Mr.\ Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being
out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments
for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments
were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such explanations
in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending
the following. He procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in
which all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were
nicely form'd by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended,
and gave great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro' the
colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up some
money. In the West India islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the
experiments could be made, from the general moisture of the air.

Oblig'd as we were to Mr.\ Collinson for his present of the tube,
\textit{etc}., I thought it right he should be inform'd of our success
in using it, and wrote him several letters containing accounts of
our experiments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where they
were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in
their \emph{Transactions}. One paper, which I wrote for Mr.\ Kinnersley,
on the sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr.\ Mitchel,
an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members also of that society,
who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the
connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown to Dr.\ Fothergill,
he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the printing
of them. Mr.\ Collinson then gave them to Cave for publication in
his \emph{Gentleman's Magazine}; but he chose to print them separately
in a pamphlet, and Dr.\ Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems,
judged rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived afterward
they swell'd to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and
cost him nothing for copy-money.

It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice
of in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of
the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation
in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M.\ Dalibard
to translate them into French, and they were printed at Paris. The
publication offended the \textit{\emph{Abb\'{e}}} Nollet, preceptor
in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able experimenter,
who had form'd and publish'd a theory of electricity, which then had
the general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work
came from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies
at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that
there really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which
he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly
address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my
experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them.

I once purpos'd answering the \textit{\emph{abb\'{e}}}, and actually
began the answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain'd
a description of experiments which any one might repeat and verify,
and if not to be verifi'd, could not be defended; or of observations
offer'd as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore
not laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting
that a dispute between two persons, writing in different languages,
might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and thence misconceptions
of one another's meaning, much of one of the \textit{\emph{abb\'{e}'s}}
letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded
to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to
spend what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments,
than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered
M.\ Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence;
for my friend M.\ \textit{\emph{le}} Roy, of the Royal Academy of
Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated
into the Italian, German, and Latin languages; and the doctrine it
contain'd was by degrees universally adopted by the philosophers of
Europe, in preference to that of the \textit{\emph{abb\'{e}}}; so
that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur
\mbox{B\mbox{------}}, of Paris, his \textit{\'{e}l\`{e}ve} and
immediate disciple.

What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success
of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs.\  Dalibard and
De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd
the public attention everywhere. M.\ de Lor, who had an apparatus
for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science,
undertook to repeat what he called the Philadelphia Experiments; and,
after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious
of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative with
an account of that capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure
I receiv'd in the success of a similar one I made soon after with
a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of
electricity.

Dr.\ Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend,
who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments
were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings
had been so little noticed in England. The society, on this, resum'd
the consideration of the letters that had been read to them; and the
celebrated Dr.\ Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of
all I had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which be accompanied
with some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their
\emph{Transactions}; and some members of the society in London, particularly
the very ingenious Mr.\ Canton, having verified the experiment of
procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting
them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the
slight with which they had before treated me. Without my having made
any application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted
that I should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have
amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their
\emph{Transactions} \emph{gratis}. They also presented me with the
gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of
which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president,
Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honoured.

Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned
medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an entertainment
given him by the city. He accompanied it with very polite expressions
of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with
my character. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at
that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into another
room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends in
England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable
of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually
to the making his administration easy; that he therefore desired of
all things to have a good understanding with me, and he begg'd me
to be assur'd of his readiness on all occasions to render me every
service that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the
proprietor's good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage
it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition
that had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony
restor'd between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought
no one could be more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on
adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, \textit{etc}., \textit{etc}.
The drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table,
sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal use
of, and in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and
promises.

My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to
God, were such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and
that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept
of any; that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary,
and that, whenever the public measures he propos'd should appear to
be for the good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them
more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded
on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended
to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of
the people; that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his
professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on every thing
in my power to make his administration as easy as possible, hoping
at the same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate
instruction his predecessor had been hamper'd with.

On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came
to do business with the Assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes
were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being
the penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instructions,
and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes
of the time, and in the \emph{Historical Review} I afterward publish'd.
But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together;
he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very
entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information
that my old friend \textit{\emph{Jas}}.\ Ralph was still alive; that
he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in England; had
been employ'd in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king,
and had obtain'd a pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation
was indeed small as a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the \emph{Dunciad};
but his prose was thought as good as any man's.

%
\footnote{The many unanimous resolves of the Assembly\mbox{---}what date?\mbox{---}
{[}Marg.\ note.{]}%
}The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted
in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only
with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown,
resolv'd to petition the king against them, and appointed me their
agent to go over to England, to present and support the petition.
The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of sixty
thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thousand pounds of which was
subjected to the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which
the governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions.

I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the \textit{\emph{paquet}} at
New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord
Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor
an accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's
service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly,
he desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear
what was to be said on both sides. We met and discuss'd the business.
In behalf of the Assembly, I urg'd all the various arguments that
may be found in the public papers of that time, which were of my writing,
and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor
pleaded his instructions; the bond he had given to observe them, and
his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself
if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not chuse to
do, though I once thought I had nearly prevail'd with him to do it;
but finally he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly;
and he entreated me to use my endeavours with them for that purpose,
declaring that he would spare none of the king's troops for the defense
of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to provide for
that defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy.

I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, presenting them
with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and
that we did not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended
the exercise of them on this occasion thro' force, against which we
protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another
conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor
pass'd, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in
the meantime, the \textit{\emph{paquet}} had sailed with my sea-stores,
which was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lordship's
thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation
falling to his share.

He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching
the \textit{\emph{paquet}}-boats was at his disposition, and there
were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail
very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I might not
miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, {}``I have given out
that she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, \textit{entre}
\textit{nous}, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be
in time, but do not delay longer.'' By some accidental hinderance
at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was much afraid
she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy
by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would not
move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very
point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so
well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which indecision
was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It
was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think
it was near the end of June before we sail'd. There were then two
of the \textit{\emph{paquet}}-boats, which had been long in port,
but were detained for the general's letters, which were always to
be ready to-morrow. Another \textit{\emph{paquet}} arriv'd; she too
was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. Ours was
the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there longest. Passengers
were engag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and
the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had
given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but their
anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and
yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand,
and concluded he must needs write abundantly.

Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber
one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express
with a \textit{\emph{paquet}} from Governor Denny for the General.
He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which occasion'd
my inquiring when he was to return, and where be lodg'd, that I might
send some letters by him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow
at nine for the general's answer to the governor, and should set off
immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight
after I met him again in the same place. {}``So, you are soon return'd,
Innis?'' {}``Returned! no, I am not gone yet.'' {}``How so?''
{}``I have called here by order every morning these two weeks past
for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready.'' {}``Is it
possible, when he is so great a writer?\ for I see him constantly
at his escritoire.'' {}``Yes,'' says Innis, {}``but he is like
St.\ George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on!''
This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded; for,
when in England, I understood that Mr.\ Pitt gave it as one reason
for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe,
that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he
was doing.

This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three \textit{\emph{paquets}}
going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers
thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should
sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were
about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure
more. At length the fleet sail'd, the General and all his army on
board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that fortress;
all the \textit{\emph{paquet}}-boats in company ordered to attend
the General's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should
be ready. We were out five days before we got a letter with leave
to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England.
The other two \textit{\emph{paquets}} he still detained, carried them
with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men
in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging
Louisburg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together
with the two \textit{\emph{paquets}} above mentioned, and all their
passengers! During his absence the French and savages had taken Fort
George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages had massacred
many of the garrison after capitulation.

I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those
\textit{\emph{paquets}}. He told me that, when he had been detain'd
a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul,
to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point
of consequence for a \textit{\emph{paquet}}-boat, and requested an
allowance of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked
how long time that would require. He answer'd, three days. The general
replied, {}``If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise
not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow.'' So he
never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during
full three months.

I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was so enrag'd
against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New
York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore
he would sue for damages. Whether he did or not, I never heard; but,
as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.

On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to be intrusted
with so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but,
having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining,
and motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley,
on whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock,
would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better
campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive,
and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho' Shirley
was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself,
and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious
plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun,
instead of defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally
expos'd while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George
was lost, besides, he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and
distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions,
on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy,
but in reality for beating down their price in favor of the contractors,
in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had
a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting
to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd
near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged
by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home.

Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome
a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man unacquainted with
military business. I was at the entertainment given by the city of
New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. Shirley,
tho' thereby superseded, was present also. There was a great company
of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs having been
borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very low, which
fell to the lot of Mr.\ Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by him, I
said, {}``They have given you, sir, too low a seat.'' {}``No matter,''
says he, {}``Mr.\ Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest.''

While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd
all the accounts of the provisions, \textit{etc}., that I had furnish'd
to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from
the different persons I had employ'd to assist in the business. I
presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance.
He caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who,
after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to
be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis'd to give
me an order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time
to time; and, tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did not
get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on
better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those
of his predecessors. {}``And you,'' says he, {}``when in England,
have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be
paid immediately.''

I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense
I had been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason
for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it
was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining
the money I had advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service,
{}``O, sir,'' says he, {}``you must not think of persuading us
that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know
that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the
doing it, to fill his own pockets.'' I assur'd him that was not my
case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly
not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes
are often made in such employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid
it to this day, of which more hereafter.

Our captain of the \textit{\emph{paquet}} had boasted much, before
we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came
to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small
mortification. After many conjectures respecting the cause, when we
were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd
upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near
the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers included, about
forty persons. While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and
soon left her neighbour far behind, which prov'd clearly what our
captain suspected, that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks
of water, it seems, had been all plac'd forward; these he therefore
order'd to be mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her character,
and proved the sailer in the fleet.

The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots,
which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a
passenger, Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was
impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must
have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake
in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd between the two captains, to be
decided when there should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd
rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd
to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind
blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the \textit{\emph{paquet}},
Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the rate of thirteen knots,
Kennedy made the experiment, and own'd his wager lost.

The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It
has been remark'd, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building,
that it can never be known, till she is tried, whether a new ship
will or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing
ship has been exactly follow'd in a new one, which has prov'd, on
the contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be
occasion'd by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes
of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and
the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one captain,
shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides,
it scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea,
and sail'd by the same person. One man builds the hull, another rigs
her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the advantage
of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore,
can not draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole.

Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often
observ'd different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive
watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimm'd
sharper or flatter than another, so that they seem'd to have no certain
rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted,
first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing;
next, the best dimensions and properest place for the masts: then
the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may
be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of
experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd would
be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious
philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish success.

We were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd every thing,
and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the
captain judg'd himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made
a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor
in the morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice
of the enemy's privateers, who often crus'd near the entrance of the
channel. Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly
make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before
it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation, shap'd
his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles;
but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting up St.\ George's
Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley
Shovel's squadron. This indraught was probably the cause of what happened
to us.

We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often called, {}``Look
well out before there,'' and he as often answered, {}``\textit{\emph{Ay}}
\emph{}\textit{\emph{ay}};'' but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was
half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically;
for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the
studdingsails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch,
but by an accidental yaw of the ship was discover'd, and occasion'd
a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appearing to me as
big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep;
but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered
the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous
to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for
we were running right upon the rocks on which the light-house was
erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the utility of
light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more of
them in America, if I should live to return there.

In the morning it was found by the soundings, \textit{etc}., that
we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight.
About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and seem'd to be lifted
up from the water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath,
the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that
surrounded it. This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had
been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of
a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free
from the anxieties which the state of war occasion'd.

I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only stopt
a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord
Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at
Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757.%
\footnote{Here terminates the \emph{Autobiography}, as published by Wm.\ Temple
Franklin and his successors. What follows was written in the last
year of Dr.\ Franklin's life, and was first printed (in English)
in Mr.\ Bigelow's edition of 1868.\mbox{---}\textit{Ed}.%
}


\chapter*{Part IV}

\addcontentsline{toc}{chapter}{Part IV}

\markboth{Franklin's Autobiography}{Part IV}

\textit{\emph{As}} \emph{}\textit{\emph{soon}} as I was settled in
a lodging Mr.\ Charles had provided for me, I went to visit Dr.\ Fothergill,
to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respecting my
proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint
to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally
appli'd to, who might possibly be induc'd by the interposition and
persuasion of some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably.
I then waited on my old friend and correspondent, Mr.\ Peter Collinson,
who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had requested
to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord
Granville's, who was then President of the Council and wished to see
me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning.
Accordingly Mr.\ Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage
to that nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility; and after
some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America
and discourse thereupon, he said to me: {}``You Americans have wrong
ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king's
instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at
liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those
instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister
going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of
ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they
are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after
which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate
to you, the \emph{Law of the Land}; for \noun{the King is the} \textit{\emph{\noun{Legislator}}}
\emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{of}}} \emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{the}}}
\emph{\noun{}}\textit{\emph{\noun{Colonies}}}.'' I told his lordship
this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters
that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed
to the king for his royal assent, but that being once given the king
could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make
permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law
for them without theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did
not think so, however, and his lordship's conversation having a little
alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of the court concerning
us, I wrote it down as soon as I return'd to my lodgings. I recollected
that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament
by the ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions laws
in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for
which we adored them as our friends and friends of liberty, till by
their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem'd that they had refus'd that
point of sovereignty to the king only that they might reserve it for
themselves.

After some days, Dr.\ Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries,
they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr.\ T.\ Penn's house in Spring
Garden. The conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations
of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party
had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. We then went
into consideration of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated.
The proprietaries justify'd their conduct as well as they could, and
I the Assembly's. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each
other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. However,
it was concluded that I should give them the heads of our complaints
in writing, and they promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon
after, but they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand
John Paris, who managed for them all their law business in their great
suit with the neighbouring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore,
which had subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers
and messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry
man, and as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated
his papers with some severity, they being really weak in point of
argument and haughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity
to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's
proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of complaint between
our two selves, and refus'd treating with any one but them. They then
by his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General
for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year
wanting eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an
answer from the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than
that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General.
What it was when they did receive it I never learnt, for they did
not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly
drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want
of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification
of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate
matters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour to treat
with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such.

The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address'd
the paper to them with their assum'd titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries
of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it
necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to
a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered \textit{viva}
\textit{voce}.

But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Gov'r Denny
to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates
of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted
answering the message.

When this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by
Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Accordingly
they petition'd the king in Council, and a hearing was appointed in
which two lawyers were employ'd by them against the act, and two by
me in support of it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to load
the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people, and
that if it were suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries
who were in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning
the taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that the act
had no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors
were honest and discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably,
and that any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his
own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to
induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember
as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous
consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, \pounds 100,000,
being printed and given to the king's use, expended in his service,
and now spread among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in
their hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future
grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such
a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate
being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On
this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took
me into the clerk's chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and
asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the
proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly.
{}``Then,'' says he, {}``you can have little objection to enter
into an engagement to assure that point.'' I answer'd, {}``None
at all.'' He then call'd in Paris, and after some discourse, his
lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to the
purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I sign'd with
Mr.\ Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary
affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where
finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however recommended
and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the
Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax having been
levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed
a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this
committee they put several particular friends of the proprietaries.
After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd a report that they found
the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity.

The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the engagement,
as an essential service to the Province, since it secured the credit
of the paper money then spread over all the country. They gave me
their thanks in form when I return'd. But the proprietaries were enraged
at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act, and turn'd him out with
threats of suing him for breach of instructions which he had given
bond to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the
General, and for His Majesty's service, and having some powerful interest
at court, despis'd the threats and they were never put in execution\ldots{}.
{[}Unfinished{]}.


\chapter*{\raggedright Chief Events in Franklin's Life}

\addcontentsline{toc}{chapter}{Chief Events in Franklin's Life}

\markboth{THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY}{Chief Events in Franklin's Life}

{[}Ending, as it does, with the year 1757, the autobiography leaves
important facts un-recorded. It has seemed advisable, therefore, to
detail the chief events in Franklin's life, from the beginning, in
the following list:

\begin{lyxlist}{00.00.0000}
\item [1706]He is born, in Boston, and baptized in the Old South Church.
\item [1714]At the age of eight, enters the Grammar School.
\item [1716]Becomes his father's assistant in the tallow-chandlery business.
\item [1718]Apprenticed to his brother James, printer.
\item [1721]Writes ballads and peddles them, in printed form, in the streets;
contributes, anonymously, to the {}``New England \textit{\emph{Courant}},''
and temporarily edits that paper; becomes a free-thinker, and a vegetarian.
\item [1723]Breaks his indenture and removes to Philadelphia; obtaining
employment in Keimer's printing-office; abandons vegetarianism.
\item [1724]Is persuaded by Governor Keith to establish himself independently,
and goes to London to buy type; works at his trade there, and publishes
{}``Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain.''
\item [1726]Returns to Philadelphia; after serving as clerk in a dry goods
store, becomes manager of Keimer's printing-house.
\item [1727]Founds the Junto, or {}``Leathern Apron'' Club.
\item [1728]With Hugh Meredith, opens a printing-office.
\item [1729]Becomes proprietor and editor of the {}``Pennsylvania Gazette'';
prints, anonymously, {}``Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency'';
opens a stationer's shop.
\item [1730]Marries Rebecca Read.
\item [1731]Founds the Philadelphia Library.
\item [1732]Publishes the first number of {}``Poor Richard's Almanac''
under the pseudonym of {}``Richard Saunders.'' The \emph{Almanac},
which continued for twenty-five years to contain his witty, worldly-wise
sayings, played a very large part in bringing together and molding
the American character which was at that time made up of so many diverse
and scattered types.
\item [1738]Begins to study French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin.
\item [1736]Chosen clerk of the General Assembly; forms the Union Fire
Company of Philadelphia.
\item [1737]Elected to the Assembly; appointed Deputy Postmaster-General;
plans a city police.
\item [1742]Invents the open, or {}``Franklin,'' stove.
\item [1743]Proposes a plan for an Academy, which is adopted 1749 and develops
into the University of Pennsylvania.
\item [1744]Establishes the American Philosophical Society.
\item [1746]Publishes a pamphlet, {}``Plain Truth,'' on the necessity
for disciplined defense, and forms a military company; begins electrical
experiments.
\item [1748]Sells out his printing business; is appointed on the Commission
of the Peace, chosen to the Common Council, and to the Assembly.
\item [1749]Appointed a Commissioner to trade with the Indians.
\item [1751]Aids in founding a hospital.
\item [1752]Experiments with a kite and discovers that lightning is an
electrical discharge.
\item [1753]Awarded the Copley medal for this discovery, and elected a
member of the Royal Society; receives the degree of M.A. from Yale
and Harvard. Appointed joint Postmaster-General.
\item [1754]Appointed one of the Commissioners from Pennsylvania to the
Colonial Congress at Albany; proposes a plan for the union of the
colonies.
\item [1755]Pledges his personal property in order that supplies may be
raised for Braddock's army; obtains a grant from the Assembly in aid
of the Crown Point expedition; carries through a bill establishing
a voluntary militia; is appointed Colonel, and takes the field.
\item [1757]Introduces a bill in the Assembly for paving the streets of
Philadelphia; publishes his famous {}``Way to Wealth''; goes to
England to plead the cause of the Assembly against the Proprietaries;
remains as agent for Pennsylvania; enjoys the friendship of the scientific
and literary men of the kingdom.
\end{lyxlist}
\noindent \begin{center}\textit{\emph{{[}}}\textit{Here} \textit{the}
\textit{autobiography} \textit{breaks} \textit{off}\textit{\emph{{]}}}\end{center}

\begin{lyxlist}{00.00.0000}
\item [1760]Secures from the Privy Council, by a compromise, a decision
obliging the Proprietary estates to contribute to the public revenue.
\item [1762]Receives the degree of LL.D.\ from Oxford and Edinburgh; returns
to America.
\item [1763]Makes a five months' tour of the northern colonies for the
purpose of inspecting the post-offices.
\item [1764]Defeated by the Penn faction for reelection to the Assembly;
sent to England as agent for Pennsylvania.
\item [1765]Endeavors to prevent the passage of the Stamp Act.
\item [1766]Examined before the House of Commons relative to the passage
of the Stamp Act; appointed agent of Massachusetts, New Jersey, and
Georgia; visits \textit{\emph{G\"{o}ttingen}} University.
\item [1767]Travels in France and is presented at court.
\item [1769]Procures a telescope for Harvard College.
\item [1772]Elected \textit{Associe} \emph{\'{E}tranger} of the French
Academy.
\item [1774]Dismissed from the office of Postmaster-General; influences
Thomas Paine to emigrate to America.
\item [1775]Returns to America; chosen a delegate to the Second Continental
Congress; placed on the committee of secret correspondence; appointed
one of the commissioners to secure the cooperation of Canada.
\item [1776]Placed on the committee to draft a Declaration of Independence;
chosen president of the Constitutional Committee of Pennsylvania;
sent to France as agent of the colonies.
\item [1778]Concludes treaties of defensive alliance, and of amity and
commerce; is received at court.
\item [1779]Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to France.
\item [1780]Appoints Paul Jones commander of the {}``Alliance.''
\item [1782]Signs the preliminary articles of peace.
\item [1783]Signs the definite treaty of peace.
\item [1785]Returns to America; is chosen President of Pennsylvania; reelected
1786.
\item [1787]Reelected President; sent as delegate to the convention for
framing a Federal Constitution.
\item [1788]Retires from public life.
\item [1790]April 17, dies. His grave is in the churchyard at Fifth and
Arch streets, Philadelphia. 
\end{lyxlist}

\end{document}
